Friday, March 21, 2014

Miracle Attributed to Archbishop Fulton Sheen (Friend of Jonah)

By Catholic News Service on Friday, 7 March 2014




….






A seven-member team of medical experts convoked by the Vatican reported there is no natural explanation for the survival of a child delivered stillborn and whose heart did not start beating until 61 minutes after his birth.
The survival of the child, James Fulton Engstrom, now three years old and developing normally, was credited by his parents to a miracle attributable to the intercession of Archbishop Fulton Sheen, who gained fame for his 1950s television show Life Is Worth Living and his 16 years at the helm of the Society for the Propagation of the Faith.
The medical experts’ report was announced in the Diocese of Peoria, Illinois, by the Archbishop Fulton Sheen Foundation, which is led by Bishop Daniel Jenky of Peoria.
“Today is a significant step in the cause for the beatification and canonisation of our beloved Fulton Sheen,” Bishop Jenky said in a statement. “There are many more steps ahead and more prayers are needed. But today is a good reason to rejoice.”
James’s mother, Bonnie Engstrom, described what happened when she addressed a 2012 gathering of the Midwest region of the Catholic Press Association in Peoria.
When Mrs Engstrom was pregnant with James, a feeling came over her that “God wants this baby to exist”, she said. “Maybe he’s going to be the pope. We didn’t know, but we were shooting high.”
During delivery, what caused James to be stillborn was that his umbilical cord had knotted itself, cutting off his blood flow and oxygen supply. The more he progressed through the birth canal, the tighter the knot became. “He was born stillborn,” Mrs Engstrom said, remembering how “his arms flopped by his side” when she reached for him to hold him.
Others did CPR and chest compressions for 20 minutes waiting for an ambulance to arrive. Mrs Engstrom said she had no pre-composed prayer asking for help from Archbishop Sheen. “I just kept repeating his name over and over in my head: Fulton Sheen, Fulton Sheen, Fulton Sheen,” she recounted. “I didn’t know what else to do.”
At the hospital, James was described as “PEA”, for “pulseless electrical activity”. Medics tried two injections of epinephrine. Neither worked. A nurse held one of James’s feet in an effort to give him some measure of comfort, and Engstrom said she remarked later: “It was so cold, it was so cold. It was like in the saying ‘cold and dead’.”
Mrs Engstrom remembered that a doctor in the emergency room said, “We’ll try for five more minutes, then call it,” meaning recording the time of death. “If he had known about the previous 40 minutes” of efforts to revive him before arriving at the hospital, she said, “he would have just called it.”
She added, “They were just about to call it when his heart started beating – 148 beats per minute, which is healthy for a newborn. And it never faltered.”
The case will next be reviewed by a board of theologians. With their approval, the case could move on to the cardinals and bishops who advise the Pope on these matters. Finally, the miracle would be presented to Pope Francis, who would then officially affirm that God performed a miracle through the intercession of Archbishop Sheen. There is no timeline as to when these next steps might take place.
If the Engstrom case is authenticated as a miracle, Archbishop Sheen would be beatified, elevating his from “venerable” to “blessed”. A beatification ceremony could conceivably take place in Peoria, according to the foundation, which promotes his sainthood cause. In general, a second miracle would need to be authenticated for canonisation.


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“Was Jonah really in the belly of the whale?”, a student once asked Archbishop Fulton J. Sheen.



Fulton  Sheen: “I don’t know, but the first thing I am going to do when I get  to heaven is to ask Jonah: Were you in the belly of the whale?”



To which the wiseacre student replied: “What if Jonah’s not there?”


Fulton Sheen: “Then you ask him”.



For Jonah as an historical figure, see (http://www.academia.edu/6007295/Prophet_Jonah):







Monday, February 24, 2014

Deedat of the Islamic Propagation Centre in Durban: "What was the Sign of Jonah?"

 

… Deedat not only has to promote absurdities to support his arguments but also has to suppress plain statements in the Bible which refute them completely.

 
 
by John Gilchrist


THE SIGN OF JONAH 1 Was Jesus Dead or Alive in the Tomb? 2 Three Days and Three Nights 3 Jonah a Sign to the Men of Nineveh 4 No Sign but the Sign of Jonah 5 “Destroy this Temple and in Three Days” 6 The Ultimate Significance of the Sign of Jonah

THE RESURRECTION OF JESUS WHO MOVED THE STONE?
THE SIGN OF JONAH According to both the Bible and the Qur’an, Jesus Christ performed many mighty miracles during his brief three-year ministry in the land of Israel. Many of the Jews were led to believe in him when they saw such signs and wonders being performed. The Jewish leaders, however, refused to believe in him and although his miracles were widely known they often pressed him hard to perform signs or, indeed, even give them a sign from heaven (Matthew 16.1). On one occasion Jesus answered them by saying that he would give them only one sign:
“An evil and adulterous generation seeks for a sign, but no sign shall be given to it except the sign of the prophet Jonah. For as Jonah was three days and three nights in the belly of the whale, so shall the Son of man be three days and three nights in the heart of the earth”.
Matthew 12.39-40. Jonah was one of the great prophets of Israel and he had been called out by God to preach to an Assyrian city named Nineveh and to proclaim its pending doom. Jonah fled on a ship to Tarshish, however, and when a great storm began to rock the boat he was thrown overboard and swallowed by a large fish. After three days in the fish, however, he was brought up alive and duly went into the city.
Jesus spoke of this three-day internment in the stomach of the fish as “the sign of Jonah” and said that it was the only sign he was prepared to give to the unbelieving Jews. During 1976 Ahmed Deedat of the Islamic Propagation Centre in Durban published a booklet entitled What was the Sign of Jonah?, a title which leads the reader to expect a studied exposition of the subject. Instead one finds that Deedat does not answer his own question at all but ventures into an attack on the statement made by Jesus and endeavours to refute it. His arguments are based entirely on two suppositions, namely that if Jonah had been alive throughout his sojourn in the fish, then Jesus must have been alive in the tomb after being taken down from the cross; and if Jesus was crucified on a Friday and rose on the following Sunday morning, then he could not have been three days and three nights in the tomb. We shall consider these two objections in order and will thereafter proceed to analyse the whole subject to see what the Sign of Jonah really was.
1. WAS JESUS ALIVE OR DEAD IN THE TOMB? It is an accepted fact in Christian commentaries on the book of Jonah in the Bible that Jonah was kept miraculously alive during the time that he was in the stomach of the fish in the sea. At no time throughout his ordeal did he die in the fish and so came ashore as much alive as he was when he was first thrown into the sea.
In his booklet Deedat takes some of the words in the text quoted above out of their context and makes the statement read “As Jonah was … so shall the Son of man be” and concludes:
If Jonah was alive for three days and three nights, then Jesus also ought to have been alive in the tomb as he himself had foretold!
(Deedat, What was the Sign of Jonah?, p.6). Although Jesus had only said that the likeness between him and Jonah would be in the period of time they were each to undergo an internment – Jonah in a fish, Jesus in the heart of the earth – Deedat omits this qualifying reference and claims that Jesus must have been like Jonah in other ways as well, extending the likeness to include the living state of Jonah inside the fish. When Jesus’ statement is read as a whole, however, it is quite clear that the likeness is confined to the time factor. As Jonah was three days and three nights in the stomach of the fish, so Jesus would be a similar period in the heart of the earth. One cannot stretch this further, as Deedat does, to say that as Jonah was ALIVE in the fish, so Jesus would be alive in the tomb. Jesus did not say this and such an interpretation does not arise from his saying but is read into it. Furthermore, in speaking of his coming crucifixion, Jesus on another occasion used a similar saying which proves the point quite adequately:
“As Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, so must the Son of man be lifted up”.
John 3.14 Here the likeness is clearly in being “lifted up”. As Moses LIFTED UP the serpent, so would the Son of man be LIFTED UP, the one for the healing of the Jews, the other for the healing of the nations. In this case the brass serpent Moses made never was alive and if Deedat’s logic is applied to this verse we must presume that it means that Jesus must have been dead before he was lifted up, dead on the cross, and dead when taken down from it. Not only is this illogical, the contradiction between the states of Jonah and the brass serpent (the one was always alive through his ordeal, the other was always dead when used as a symbol on a pole) shows that Jesus was only drawing a likeness between himself and Jonah and the brass serpent respectively in the matters he expressly mentions – the THREE DAYS AND THREE NIGHTS and the LIFTING UP on a pole. It does not matter whether Jonah was alive or not – this has nothing to do with the comparison Jesus was making. By omitting the qualifying reference to the time period in Jonah’s case, Deedat makes the saying of Jesus read “As Jonah was … so shall the Son of man be” and it is from this unrestricted likeness that he seeks to extend the comparison to the state of the prophet in the fish. But if we follow the same method with the other verse quoted, we come to the exact opposite conclusion. In this case the statement would read: “As the serpent … so shall the Son of man be” and the state of the serpent was always a dead one. This shows quite plainly that in each case Jesus was not intending to extend the likeness between himself and the prophet or object he mentions to the question of life or death but solely to the very comparisons he expressly sets forth. So we see that Deedat’s first objection falls entirely to the ground. A contradictory conclusion automatically results from his line of reasoning and no objection or argument which negates itself can ever be considered with any degree of seriousness.
2. THREE DAYS AND THREE NIGHTS. It is universally agreed among Christians, with a few exceptions, that Jesus was crucified on a Friday and that he rose from the dead on the Sunday immediately following. Deedat accordingly argues that there was only one day on which Jesus was in the tomb, namely Saturday, and that this period covered only two nights, namely Friday night and Saturday night. He thus endeavours to disprove the Sign of Jonah in respect of the time factor that Jesus mentions as well and so concludes: Secondly, we also discover that he failed to fulfil the time factor as well. The greatest mathematician in Christendom will fail to obtain the desired result – three days and three nights. (Deedat, What was the Sign of Jonah?, p.10). Unfortunately Deedat here overlooks the fact that there was a big difference between Hebrew speech in the first century and English speech in the twentieth century. We have found him inclined to this error again and again when he sets out to analyse Biblical subjects. He fails to make allowance for the fact that in those times, nearly two thousand years ago, the Jews counted any part of a day as a whole day when computing any consecutive periods of time. As Jesus was laid in the tomb on the Friday afternoon, was there throughout the Saturday, and only rose sometime before dawn on the Sunday (the Sunday having officially started at sunset on the Saturday according to the Jewish calendar), there can be no doubt that he was in the tomb for a period of three days. Deedat’s ignorance of the Jewish method of computing periods of days and nights and their contemporary colloquialisms leads him to make a serious mistake about Jesus’ statement and he proceeds to make much the same mistake about his prophecy that he would be three nights in the tomb as well. The expression three days and three nights is the sort of expression that we never, speaking English in the twentieth century, use today. We must obviously therefore seek its meaning according to its use as a Hebrew colloquialism in the first century and are very likely to err if we judge or interpret it according to the language structure or figures of speech in a very different language in a much later age.
We never, speaking English in the twentieth century, speak in terms of days and nights. If any one decides to go away for, let us say, about two weeks, he will say he is going for a fortnight, or for two weeks, or for fourteen days. I have never yet met anyone speaking the English language say he will be away fourteen days and fourteen nights. This was a figure of speech in the Hebrew of old. Therefore right from the start one must exercise caution for, if we do not use such figures of speech, we cannot presume that they had, in those times, the meanings that we would naturally assign to them today. We must seek out the meaning of the prophecy Jesus made in the context of the times in which it was given.
Furthermore we must also note that the figure of speech, as used in Hebrew, always had the same number of days and nights. Moses fasted forty days and forty nights (Exodus 24.18). Jonah was in the whale three days and three nights (Jonah 1.17). Job’s friends sat with him seven days and seven nights (Job 2.13). We can see that no Jew would have spoken of “seven days and six nights” or “three days and two nights”, even if this was the period he was describing. The colloquialism always spoke of an equal number of days and nights and, if a Jew wished to speak of a period of three days which covered only two nights, he would have to speak of three days and three nights. A fine example of this is found in the Book of Esther where the queen said that no one was to eat or drink for three days, night or day (Esther 4.16), but on the third day, when only two nights had passed, she went into the king’s chamber and the fast was ended.
So we see quite plainly that “three days and three nights”, in Jewish terminology, did not necessarily imply a full period of three actual days and three actual nights but was simply a colloquialism used to cover any part of the first and third days.
The important thing to note is that an equal number of days and nights were always spoken of, even if the actual nights were one less than the days referred to. As we do not use such figures of speech today we cannot pass hasty judgments on their meaning, nor can we force them to yield the natural interpretations that we would place on them.
There is conclusive proof in the Bible that when Jesus told the Jews he would be three days and three nights in the earth, they took this to mean that the fulfilment of the prophecy could be expected after only two nights. On the day after his crucifixion, that is, after only one night, they went to Pilate and said:
Sir, we remember how that impostor said, while he was still alive, ‘After three days I will rise again’. Therefore order the sepulchre to be made secure until the third day.
Matthew 27.63-64. We would understand the expression “after three days” to mean anytime on the fourth day but, according to the colloquialism, the Jews knew this referred to the third day and were not concerned to keep the tomb secured through three full nights but only until the third day after just too nights. Clearly, therefore, the expressions “three days and three nights” and “after three days” did not mean a full period of seventy-two hours as we would understand them, but any period of time covering a period of up to three days. If someone told anyone of us on a Friday afternoon in these days that he would return to us after three days we would probably not expect him back before the following Tuesday at the earliest. The Jews, however, anxious to prevent any fulfilment of Jesus’ prophecy (whether actual or contrived), were only concerned to have the tomb secured until the third day, that is, the Sunday, because they knew that the expressions “after three days” and “three days and three nights” were not to be taken literally but according to the figures of speech that they used in their times.
The important question is, not how we read such colloquialisms which have no place in our figures of speech today, but how the Jews read them according to the terminology of their times. It is very significant to note that when the disciples boldly claimed that Jesus had risen from the dead on the third day, that is, on the Sunday after only two nights had passed (e.g. Acts 10.40), no one ever attempted to counter this testimony as Deedat does by claiming that three nights would have to pass before the prophecy could be deemed to be fulfilled. The Jews of those times knew their language well and it is only because Deedat is ignorant of their manners of speech that he presumptuously attacks the prophecy Jesus made, simply because he was not in the tomb for an actual three-day and three-night period of seventy-two hours. (This means that Jonah’s sojourn in the fish also only covered a partial period of three days and was not necessarily three actual days and nights either).
Having therefore adequately disposed of Deedat’s weak arguments against the sign Jesus offered to the Jews we can now proceed to find out exactly what the Sign of Jonah really was.
3. JONAH A SIGN TO THE MEN OF NINEVEH. Two momentous events occurred when God sent Jonah to Nineveh to warn the people of that city that God was about to destroy it for its wickedness. The first we have already briefly considered, namely the casting of the prophet into the sea and his sojourn in the stomach of the fish over a period of three days. It will be useful at this stage, however, to record the story as it is found in the Qur’an and to compare it with the story as it appears in the Bible to see to what extent the stories coincide. The narrative in the Qur’an reads:
And lo! Jonah verily was of those sent (to warn). When he fled unto the laden ship, and then drew lots and was of those rejected; and the fish swallowed him while he was blameworthy; And had he not been one of those who glorify (Allah), He would have tarried in its belly till the day when they are raised. Then We cast him on a desert shore while he was sick; and We caused a tree of gourd to grow above him; and We sent him to a hundred thousand (folk) or more. And they believed, therefore We gave them comfort for a while. Surah 37.139-148. The story is rather disjointed in this passage as there is no sequence of events showing how each incident leads on to the next one. It is in the Book of Jonah in the Bible, however, that one finds the whole narrative properly knit together. Jonah agreed to join in the throwing of lots with the other soldiers on the boat to discover who was the cause of the storm which threatened to drown them all. The lot fell on him and so he was thrown into the sea where he was duly swallowed up by a large fish. After three days the fish coughed him up on dry land and he duly went to Nineveh, proclaiming that the city would be overthrown in forty days. The other great event was the total repentance of the whole city, from its king to all its slaves, when they heard the ominous warning. Jonah, surprisingly, was angry when he saw the people turn from their sins for he knew that God was merciful and would probably spare the city. As a patriotic Hebrew he had hoped for its overthrow for it was the main city of Assyria and a constant threat to the people of Israel. In the heat of the day he went up a mound hoping to see its demise, and God caused a gourd (a large plant) to grow up and give him shelter. The next day, however, God appointed a worm to consume its stem and thus cause it to wither. Jonah was very upset about this but God said to him:
“You pity the plant, for which you did not labor, nor did you make it grow, which came into being in a night, and perished in a night. And should not I pity Nineveh, that great city, in which there are more than a hundred and twenty thousand persons who do not know their right hand from their left, and also much cattle?” Jonah 4.10-11. The second great event in this story, that is, the repentance of the whole city of Nineveh, was all the more remarkable when one considers that the Assyrians neither knew nor feared God and had no obvious reason why they should heed the word and warning which Jonah brought. There was no sign that the city would be destroyed in forty days as Jonah warned as life was just going on normally from day to day without any suggestion from the weather or the elements that any danger was near. No thunderclouds formed over the city as had happened at the time of Noah when the great flood burst on the earth. Nineveh was a mighty city and was in no way under any military threat. All that the city heard was the solitary voice of a Jewish prophet who came proclaiming: “Yet forty days and Nineveh will be overthrown” (Jonah 3.4).
We often see cartoons of bearded old men carrying placards “the world ends tonight” and such men are always a source of amusement when they appear on the streets with such messages. Indeed the Ninevites might have considered that Jonah was just one of these religious freaks and while being amused at his apparent earnestness, they might have become somewhat indignant at the content of his warning.
When the Apostle Paul went to the city of Athens he was met with such a reception. In response to his preaching some said “What would this babbler say”? (Acts 17.18). The people of Nineveh listening to the Hebrew prophet Jonah might well have mused as the Athenians did about the Apostle Paul, “He seems to be a preacher of foreign divinities” (Acts 17.18). We discover, however, that:
The people of Nineveh believed God; they proclaimed a fast, and put on sackcloth, from the greatest of them to the least of them. Jonah 3.5 From the throne of the king down to the least of the common folk the hundreds of thousands of Ninevites took Jonah in all seriousness, repented in great earnest, and desperately sought to remove the imminent judgment from their city. Jonah in no way endeavoured to persuade them of the truth of his short, simple warning – he just proclaimed it as a matter of fact. He also gave them no assurance that God would spare the city if they repented. It was, on the contrary, his wish and expectation that the city would be destroyed in terms of God’s warning whether the Ninevites took him seriously or not. Why then did the whole city repent and do so in the hope that God would not cause them to perish? (Jonah 3.9). Jewish historians were fascinated by this story and concluded that the only possible explanation was that the Ninevites knew that Jonah had been swallowed up by a fish as God’s judgment on his disobedience, and also knew that while he would normally die in such circumstances, God in mercy kept him alive and delivered him from the stomach of the fish on the third day. This alone could explain the seriousness with which they listened to Jonah and their hope of mercy if they repented.
The Jewish historians concluded that the Ninevites reasoned that if God treats his beloved prophets so severely when they disobey him, what could they expect when the city was in the gall of bitterness against him and in the bond of iniquity and sin?
The reasoning of the Jews was correct. Jesus confirmed that Nineveh’s repentance came about as a result of their full knowledge of Jonah’s ordeal of the preceding days. He made this quite plain when he said:
“Jonah became a sign to the men of Nineveh”. Luke 11.30 In saying this Jesus put the seal of authenticity on the story of Jonah’s ordeal and Nineveh’s repentance and confirmed that it was historically true. At the same time he also gave credence to the theory that the people of Nineveh had heard of Jonah’s ordeal and remarkable deliverance and as a result of this took his message in all seriousness, hoping for a similar deliverance in turning from their wickedness in repentance before God. By saying that Jonah had become a sign to the men of Nineveh he made it plain that the city knew of the recent history of God’s dealing with the rebellious Jewish prophet. This explained the earnestness with which the Ninevites repented before God. It was not Jesus’ intention merely to confirm Jewish speculations, however. He wished to show that what had happened at the time of Jonah and its sequel was applicable to the people of Israel in his own generation and that a similar sign was about to be given which would likewise lead to the redemption of those who received it and the destruction of all those who did not.
4. NO SIGN BUT THE SIGN OF JONAH. According to both the Qur’an and the Bible, Jesus performed many signs and wonders among the people of Israel (Surah 5.110, Acts 2.22). Even though they could not deny these works (John 11.47), they nevertheless refused to believe in him and that right to the very end of his course. As he was completing his ministry we read of their response to all that he had done among them: Though he had done so many signs before them, yet they did not believe in him. John 12.37 Time and again we read that the Jews came to him seeking signs (Matthew 12.38) and on one occasion they expressly asked him to actually show them a sign from heaven itself (Matthew 16.1). On other occasions they taxed him with questions like these: “What sign have you to show us for doing this?” John 2.18 “What sign do you do, that we may see, and believe you?” John 6.30 While the Greeks of that age were primarily philosophers, the Jews wanted every claim proved by the ability to do and perform signs. As the Apostle Paul rightly said in one of his letters: For the Jews demand signs and the Greeks seek wisdom. 1 Corinthians 1.22 The Jews knew full well that Jesus was, in his own way, claiming to be the Messiah. If so, they reasoned, he must do signs to prove his claim. A1though he had already done many great signs, they still were not satisfied. They had seen him feed up to five thousand men with only five barley loaves and two fishes (Luke 9.10-17) but they reasoned that Moses had done similar miracles (John 6.31). In what way could he prove that he really was the chosen Messiah, they reasoned? What sign could he do to show them that he was greater than Moses? In those days people were not readily persuaded by great signs. When Moses turned his rod into a serpent, Pharaoh’s magicians did likewise. They also emulated his feat of turning water into blood and bringing swarms of frogs from the Nile. It was only when Moses brought out thousands of gnats from the dust that the magicians conceded: “This is the finger of God” (Exodus 8.19), for they were finally unable to do likewise. So also the Jews were only prepared to consider Jesus’ claims when he could outdo the signs of the prophets of old. They saw him feed five thousand men and heal lepers and men born blind; raise up paralytics, cast out demons; and ultimately raise a man from the dead even though the man had already been dead for four days. They conceded these miracles.
All this did not satisfy them, however, for other prophets had performed similar miracles. What sign did Jesus have for them which outweighed them all? Surely if he was the Messiah he could do greater things than these? Why, Moses gave their forefathers bread from heaven to eat. As it was predicted of the Messiah that he would do similar signs (Deuteronomy 18.18,34.10-11), they therefore came to Jesus eventually and “asked him to show them a sign from heaven” (Matthew 16.1). Jesus absorbed their earnest quests for signs and said to them:
“This generation is an evil generation: it seeks a sign, but no sign shall be given to it except the sign of Jonah. For as Jonah became a sign to the men of Nineveh, so will the Son of man be to this generation”. Luke 11.29-30. They wanted a sign that would prove beyond all shadow of doubt that Jesus was indeed the Messiah, the Saviour of the world. Here Jesus gave them a clear answer and set before them just one sign by which they could be assured of his claims, namely, the Sign of Jonah. Although we have mentioned it already, it will be useful at this point to refer to it once again: “For as Jonah was three days and three nights in the belly of the whale, so will the Son of man be three days and three nights in the heart of the earth”. Matthew 12.40 Here Jesus quite plainly outlined the proof of his claims. Jonah had been three days and three nights in the stomach of the fish. Not only was this a sign to Nineveh, it also prefigured the sign Jesus was to be for his people and not for them alone but for all people in all ages. He would be in the “heart of the earth” for a similar period. What did this mean? Would he be dead? Why would he be there three days? Assuredly the Jews must have been very perplexed about this claim but every time they asked Jesus for a sign, he promised them no other sign but the Sign of Jonah. During one incident with them he plainly told them its meaning.
5. “DESTROY THIS TEMPLE AND IN THREE DAYS …” When Jesus saw that the Jews were transforming the Temple (the great place of worship where God’s glory was in the centre of Jerusalem, known in Islam as the Baitul-Muqaddas) from a house of prayer into a place of trade, he drove out the moneychangers and those who sold sheep, oxen and pigeons. The Jewsthen said to him: “What sign have you to show us for doing this?” John 2.18 In other words, by what authority do you, a man, enter the Temple of the living God and act as if you are the Lord of it? Once again they requested a sign and again the same sign was promised by Jesus: “Destroy this temple and in three days I will raise it up”. John 2.19 Once again Jesus gave them the Sign of Jonah. Again there came the period of three days but now something more is added. He challenges the Jews to destroy the temple and whereas he earlier spoke of being himself in the heart of the earth for three days, now he speaks of the temple of God being destroyed for three days and thereafter being restored. So the Jews said to him: “It has taken forty-six years to build this temple and will you raise it up in three days?” John 2.20 Now that was a silly question. They asked for a sign of supernatural source to validate the action Jesus had taken. If he had said “Destroy this temple and in forty-six years I will build another”, what sort of sign would that be? But he said he would do it in only three days. That would assuredly be a sign for them to see and behold, proving that he was indeed all that he claimed to be. This was one of the most momentous statements Jesus ever made and if ever there was a remark of his that made an indelible impression on the minds of the Jews, it was this one.
When Jesus was brought to trial years later, the two witnesses brought to testify against him both mentioned this remarkable claim. One said, “This fellow said, ‘I am able to destroy the temple of God, and to build it in three days”‘ (Matthew 26. 61). Another said, “We heard him say, ‘I will destroy this temple that is made with hands, and in three days I will build another not made with hands”‘ (Mark 14.58). Both of these men twisted his statement primarily through a total misunderstanding and inability to perceive the meaning of it. But that it was a claim of great import they realised!
Indeed even when Jesus was nailed to the cross some of the Jewish priests mocked him, saying, “You who would destroy the temple and build it in three days, save yourself!” (Matthew 27.40). Even some time after Jesus had ascended to heaven the Jews were still talking about his challenge and imagined that it was Christian belief that Jesus would yet come to destroy their holy place (Acts 6.14).
The tremendous attention paid by the Jews to this statement, “Destroy this temple and in three days I will raise it up” shows how important it was. Even as these Jews mocked him, however, they were unaware that they themselves were doing just that they were destroying it by putting Jesus on the cross; and on the third day thereafter they would know that he had risen again. When Jesus said “Destroy this temple” he was not referring to the great building in the city but to his own body. In his Gospel John comments on the reply of the Jews about the number of years it took to build the Temple, “But he spoke of the temple of his body” (John 2.21).
Jesus said that it was he, the Son of man, who was to be in the heart of the earth for three days and when he addressed the Jews he spoke obviously not of the Temple in Jerusalem which he had just purified but of himself. But why did he refer to himself as the temple? It requires only a little perspective on his ministry and identity to obtain the answer. The Jews wanted him to prove that he was the Messiah and to do this they expected him to show by signs that he was greater than all the other prophets. In his answer Jesus set out to show them that he was no ordinary prophet. The Temple in Jerusalem contained only the presence of a manifestation of the glory of God, but of Jesus we are told:
In him all the fulness of God was pleased to dwell. He is the image of the invisible God. For in him the whole fulness of deity dwells bodily. Colossians 1.19,15; 2.9 What Jesus was saying then was this: Destroy me, in whom the whole fulness of God dwells bodily, put me to death, and by raising myself from the dead three days later I will give you all the proof you will ever require that I am the Lord of this Temple, the house of God.
6. THE ULTIMATE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SIGN OF JONAH. Now it becomes clear why Jesus gave the Jews this one sign, the Sign of the prophet Jonah. His death, burial and resurrection from the dead would surely prove to them that he was the Messiah.
We have seen already that the Jews sought a sign from heaven, a greater feat than that performed by any other prophet in history to prove his claims; and as one looks at the miracles of the former prophets one sees all the more the significance of the Sign of Jonah. As mentioned earlier, prior to the e trial and arrest of Jesus his greatest sign was to raise Lazarus from the dead after he had been dead for four days. But this did not persuade the Jews (John 12. 911). Such things had been done during the time of the prophet Elisha.
But what greater feat can a man perform than to raise a dead man to life again? Only one possibly greater sign can be done. If that man after dying is able to raise himself from the dead and live again, this will surely be a greater sign and this sign was performed by no prophet before Jesus.
Living prophets had raised the dead but the sign Jesus was promising them was that the Messiah would raise himself from the dead. This is the Sign of Jonah. The Jews had stood at the foot of the cross mocking Jesus, “You who would destroy the Temple of God in three days”, but they did not know that, after expiring a few hours later, Jesus would t raise himself from the dead on the third day in overwhelming proof that he was indeed the Messiah and the ultimate temple of God, the one in whom the living God of all creation fully dwelt. As Jonah had come back from the stomach of a fish in the very depths of the sea to yet live on the earth, so Jesus was to die, be buried, only to raise himself to life on the third day. On one occasion Jesus made this quite plain to the Jews, saying:
“For this reason the Father loves me, because I lay down my life, that I may take it again. No one takes it from me, but I lay it down of my own accord. I have power to lay it down, and I have power to take it again; this charge I have received from my Father”. John 10.17-18. Not only did Jesus make it plain that he would raise himself from the dead on the third day but he also often showed that he was greater than all the prophets who had gone before him. When the Jews asked him “Are you greater than our father Abraham?” (John 8.53), Jesus made it plain that he was, saying that Abraham had looked forward to his day (John 8.56) and added, “Before Abraham was, I am” (John 8.58). In the same way a Samaritan woman said to him: “Are you greater than our father Jacob?” (John 4.12) to which Jesus replied that, whereas Jacob had left a well in the land of Samaria from which people could drink, only to thirst again, he could put within people a well of living water from which no one would ever thirst (John 4.14). He showed that he was greater than Moses, for Moses had written of him (John 5.46). He was greater than David, for David, he said, “inspired by the Spirit, calls the Messiah Lord” (Matthew 22.43). He openly stated that he was greater than the prophets Solomon and Jonah (Luke 11.31,32) and that he was even greater than the very Temple of God (Matthew 12.6), for the Temple contained only a manifestation of God’s presence but in him the whole fulness of God dwelt bodily.
No man had ever had greater wisdom than Solomon but Jesus is the very wisdom of God (1 Corinthians 1.24). Jonah became a source of reprieve for the people of Nineveh but Jesus is the source of eternal salvation to all who obey him (Hebrews 5.9).
Although there had been many prophets, there was to be only one Messiah. And whereas the prophets had performed many signs, the Messiah reserved to himself the greatest sign of all. As Jonah’s ordeal in the stomach of the fish in many ways foreshadowed this sign, namely the resurrection of Jesus from the dead, Jesus therefore set forth this sign alone as a proof that he was indeed the Messiah.
This leads us to consider in closing another statement made by Deedat in another booklet he once wrote, to the effect that there is no clearer statement of Jesus throughout the Gospels about his pending crucifixion than the Sign of Jonah (Deedat, Was Christ Crucified?, p.33). He made this remark during an attempt, similar to the one we have already considered in his booklet ‘What was the Sign of Jonah?’, to prove that Jesus came down alive from the cross, recuperated in his tomb, and somehow or other recovered his health.
Now if Jesus was taken down from the cross alive and survived only because he was so close to death that the Roman soldiers presumed he was dead, and managed through clandestine meetings with his disciples and various disguises to gradually recover (as Deedat claims), we may indeed ask, what sort of sign is this? If we are to take Deedat’s contentions seriously, we must conclude that Jesus escaped death entirely by chance and recovered according to a natural process. This would not have been a miracle at all, let alone a sign greater than all the signs done by the prophets before him. Deedat’s analysis of the Sign of Jonah thus leaves us without a sign at all!
On the other hand, if we take the narratives of the crucifixion in the Bible at face value and accept that Jesus died on the cross, only to raise himself from the dead on the third day, then we have indeed a sure sign and manifest proof that all his claims were true. Other living prophets had raised dead men to life but Jesus alone raised himself from the dead, and that to eternal life, for he ascended to heaven and has been there for nearly twenty centuries. It is in this alone that we find the true meaning of the Sign of Jonah and are able to perceive why Jesus singled it out as the only sign he was prepared to give to the Jews.
We see, therefore, that Deedat’s final argument in favour of the theory that Jesus survived the cross is actually the very strongest evidence one can find against it. Although his booklets are thus easy to refute, the matter cannot be left here for the sign Jesus gave has implications for all men in all ages. As Jonah’s sojourn in the stomach of a fish in the depths of the sea for three days authenticated his word to Nineveh, so the death, burial and resurrection of Jesus Christ put the stamp of authenticity on his mission of salvation to all men in all ages. If you miss the import of this sign, Jesus gives you no other. No further proof that he is the Saviour of all men need be given to those who refuse to believe in him as their Lord and Saviour.
Nevertheless we have a wonderful assurance for those who perceive the meaning of this sign and who are prepared to believe in Jesus and follow him all their days as Saviour and Lord: just as no soul in repenting Nineveh perished, so neither will yours if you will commit your whole life to Jesus who died for you and rose from the dead on the third day that you too might live with him forever in the kingdom of heaven to be revealed when he returns to earth.
THE RESURRECTION OF JESUS During 1978 Deedat published another booklet entitled ‘Resurrection or Resuscitation?’ which, like his booklet on the Sign of Jonah, attempts to prove that Jesus came down alive from the cross – a theory with no foundation in either the Bible or the Qur’an, one disowned by Christians and Muslims, and held to only by the Ahmadiyya sect which has been denounced as a non-Muslim cult in Pakistan.
Early on in this booklet, as in others he has written, Deedat promotes arguments which are based on nothing but his own ignorance of the Bible and to some extent of the English language. He speaks of a conversation he once had with a “reverend” and boldly says of Luke 3.23:
I explained that in the “most ancient” manuscripts of Luke, the words ‘(as was supposed)’ are not there. (Deedat, Resurrection or Resuscitation?, p.7). Very significantly he gives no authority for this statement and we are amazed at it for it is absolutely false. This man seems to think he can say what he likes about the Bible, no matter how factually absurd his statements are. Every manuscript of Luke’s Gospel, including all the most ancient manuscripts, begins the genealogy of Jesus by saying that he was the son, as was supposed, of Joseph (meaning that he was not his actual son, having been born of his mother Mary alone). There is just simply no evidence for Deedat’s fatuous claim. So much for his self-acclaimed knowledge of the Bible! We are sure discerning Muslims will have seen by now that this man is no true scholar of the Christian Scriptures. He Appears to believe that the words quoted are missing from the oldest texts because they appear in brackets in some English translations. But any scholar will know that the use of brackets is a common form in the English language by which passing comments and personal notations are characterised. There are no such brackets in the Greek text but as the words in Luke 3.23 are clearly a comment, some translations place them in brackets. In the Revised Standard Version this form appears often where brackets are used for passages where no such brackets are used. in the original Greek simply because, like the Arabic of the Qur’an, such forms are not used in Greek to identify comments or personal remarks. (The same goes for inverted commas to identify a quotation. Inverted commas were used in neither classical Greek nor in classical Arabic). Examples are Acts 1.18-19, Romans 3.5, Galatians 1.20 and 2 Peter 2.8. Deedat’s argument is based entirely on false premises and erroneous suppositions.
His attempts to prove that Luke 24.36-43 shows that Jesus must have come down alive from the cross are equally unfounded. He bases his whole argument on a complete misconception of Biblical teaching about the resurrection. It is widely accepted that every man has a body and a spirit. At death the body dies and the spirit leaves the body. The Bible teaches plainly that the body and spirit will again be united at the resurrection but that the bodies of true believers will be changed and that they will be raised in spiritual bodies (1 Corinthians 15.51-53). This means that the spirit will be clothed with a body that will reveal the true character of the spirit and will be eternal. Deedat, however, completely misunderstands this and erroneously takes “spiritualized” to mean that the body itself will not be raised from the dead and transformed but that the spirit alone will be “raised”.
When Jesus appeared to his disciples after coming out of the tomb they were “startled and frightened and supposed that they saw a spirit” (Luke 24.37). Deedat argues that this means that they had believed that Jesus was dead and so thought it must be his ghost, but the Bible makes it plain why they were so amazed. The doors had been locked where the disciples were for fear of the Jews and yet Jesus suddenly stood among them (John 20.19). Having been raised from the dead in a spiritualised body he could appear and disappear at will and was no longer bound by physical limitations (cf. also Luke 24.31, John 20.26).
Nevertheless, because Jesus called on the disciples to handle him and because he ate a piece of a fish before them (Luke 24.39-43), Deedat suggests that this shows that Jesus had not risen from the dead. He bases this argument on the assumption that a spiritualised body cannot be material in any way but must only be a spirit. He argues that Jesus was trying to show his disciples that he had therefore not risen from the dead and says:
He is telling them in the clearest language humanly possible that he is not what they were thinking. They were thinking that he was a spirit, a resurrected body, one having been brought back from the dead. He is most emphatic that he is not! (Deedat, Resurrection or Resuscitation?, p.11). So, according to Deedat, Jesus is stating in the “clearest language humanly possible” that he had not been raised from the dead. Yet, in the very next thing that Jesus said to his disciples, we find him stating quite plainly that this was in fact precisely what had happened – that he had indeed been raised from the dead. He said to them: “Thus it is written that the Christ should suffer and on the third day rise from the dead, and that repentance and forgiveness of sins should be preached in his name to all nations”. Luke 24.46-47. In the “clearest language humanly possible”, therefore, we find that Jesus told his disciples immediately after eating before them that he had just fulfilled the prophecies of the former prophets that he should rise from the dead on the third day. So once again we find Deedat’s argument falling to the ground and that purely because he is not a genuine scholar of the Bible and has no reasonable grasp of Biblical theology. The Bible plainly teaches that it is the body itself – a material substance – that will be raised at the resurrection (see Jesus’ own teaching in John 5.28-29), but that it will be transformed. Today two men can be ploughing the same field. If they are identical twins it will be almost impossible to tell them apart. Yet the one may be righteous and the other wicked (Matthew 24.40). The difference is not outwardly apparent but it will be in the resurrection. A spiritualised body means that the condition of the body will be determined by the state of the spirit. If the man is righteous, his body will shine like the sun (Matthew 13.43); if he is wicked he will not be able to hide his rottenness as he can do now, but it will be exposed in all its misery in the state of his body. This is what we mean when we say people will have “spiritualised bodies” in the resurrection. Note clearly that the resurrection thus leads to a spiritualised body and not just to a risen spirit. The Bible puts it like this:
So it is with the resurrection of the dead. What is sown is perishable, what is raised is imperishable. It is sown in dishonour, it is raised in glory. It is sown in weakness, it is raised in power. It is sown a physical body, it is raised a spiritual body. If there is a physical body, there is also a spiritual body. 1 Corinthians 15.42-44. It is the body itself that is buried in a perishable state and it is the same body that is raised imperishable. This passage shows quite plainly that it is the same physical body, buried as a seed – is sown into the ground, which will be raised as a spiritual body. This is plain Biblical teaching which Deedat so obviously misrepresents. In 2 Corinthians 5.1-4 the Bible again makes it clear that it is not the wish of true believers to become exposed spirits without bodies. Rather they long for their mortal bodies to be replaced by spiritual bodies which are immortal.
Once again we find that Deedat’s efforts to discredit Christianity come purely from suppositions based on his own inadequate knowledge of the Bible, and he appears to be one of those who are guilty of “reviling in matters of which they are ignorant” (2 Peter 2.12). Jesus’ own statement that he had appeared in fulfilment of the prophecies that the Messiah would rise from the dead on the third day shows quite plainly that there is no foundation whatsoever for Deedat’s attempts to prove that Jesus had come down alive from the cross.
Jesus Christ rose from the dead on the third day and in his own body ascended to heaven not long thereafter. He has gone to prepare a place for those who love him and who will follow him all their days as Lord and Saviour of their lives. When he returns he will raise them too from the dead and will clothe them with immortal bodies, granting them access to his eternal kingdom which he waits to reveal at the last time. True Christians can confidently say:
But our commonwealth is in heaven, and from it we await a Savior, the Lord Jesus Christ, who will change our lowly body to be like his glorious body, by the power which enables him even to subject all things to himself. Philippians 3.20-21. WHO MOVED THE STONE? During 1977 Deedat also published a small booklet which plagiarised the title of a book written by Frank Morison entitled ‘Who Moved the Stone?’ Much of this booklet attempts once again to prove the theory that Jesus came down alive from the cross, and as we have already seen that this theory has no substance, it does not seem necessary to deal at any length with the points Deedat raises to promote it. We need only show, yet again, that he has had to resort to obvious absurdities to try and make his theory stick.
For example, he endeavours to prove that Mary Magdalene must have been looking for a live Jesus when she came to anoint his body. Although anointing a body was part of the normal burial custom of the Jews, he cannot accept this as it refutes his argument, so he suggests that the body of Jesus would have already been rotting within if he had died on the cross, saying “if we massage a rotting body, it will fall to pieces” (Deedat, Who Moved the Stone?, p.3), even though Mary came to the tomb only some thirty-nine hours after Jesus had died. It is absolute scientific nonsense to say that a body will fall to pieces within forty-eight hours of a man’s decease! If there was any merit in his argument, Deedat would hardly have found it necessary to resort to such a ridiculous statement.
He likewise has to overlook obvious probabilities when he says that, when Mary Magdalene sought to take away the body of Jesus (John 20.15), she could only have been thinking of helping him to walk away and could not have intended to carry away a corpse. He claims that she was a “frail Jewess” who could not carry “a corpse of at least a hundred and sixty pounds, wrapped with another ‘hundred pounds weight of aloes and myrrh’ (John 19.39) making a neat bundle of 260 pounds” (Deedat, Who Moved the Stone?, p.8).
There is a far more probable explanation for Mary’s statement that she would carry away the body of Jesus. There is nothing to say that she intended to carry it away all by herself. When she first found the body removed from the tomb she rushed to Jesus’ disciples Peter and John and told them:
“They have taken the Lord out of the tomb and we do not know where they have laid him”. John 20.2 The other Gospels make it plain that Mary was not alone when she first went to the tomb that Sunday morning and that among the women who accompanied her were Joanna and Mary the mother of James (Luke 24.10). This is why she said “WE do not know where they have laid him”. As it was only after Peter and John had gone to the tomb that she first saw Jesus there is no reason to suppose that she did not intend to enlist the help of these two disciples or of the other women to help her carry the body away. In any event there is concrete evidence in the Bible that Mary Magdalene believed that Jesus had risen from the dead and this brings us to the whole theme of Deedat’s booklet, namely “who moved the stone?”. His conclusion is that it was removed by Joseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus, two of Jesus’ disciples who belonged to the party of the Pharisees. He says in his booklet:
It was Joseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus, the two stalwarts who did not leave the Master in the lurch when he was most in need. These two had given to Jesus a Jewish burial (?) bath, and wound the sheets with the ‘aloes and myrrh’, and temporarily moved the stone into place, if at all; they were the same two real friends who removed the stone, and took their shocked Master soon after dark, that same Friday night to a more congenial place in the immediate vicinity for treatment. (Deedat, Who Moved the Stone?, p.12). He begins his booklet with an expression of hope that he would be able to give “a satisfactory answer to this problem” (p.1) and the cover of his booklet carries a comment by Dr. G.M. Karim which describes the moving of the stone as a “problem besetting the minds of all thinking Christians”. The impression is thus given that the Bible is silent on this subject and that Christians are beset with a problem and have to speculate as to who moved the stone. This is sheer nonsense for the Bible plainly says (to use Deedat’s words, in the “clearest language humanly possible”): An angel of the Lord descended from heaven and came and rolled back the stone, and sat upon it. Matthew 28.2 Can there really be any “problem” about this matter? Is it too hard to believe that an angel from heaven could roll back the stone? According to the Bible it took just two angels to destroy the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah (Genesis 19.13) and it took only one angel to wipe out Sennacherib’s whole army of a hundred and eighty-five thousand soldiers (2 Kings 19.35). On another occasion a single angel stretched forth his hand to destroy the whole city of Jerusalem before the Lord called on him to stay his hand (2 Samuel 24.16). So it should surprise no one to read that it was an angel who moved the stone. The Qur’an plainly states that all faithful Muslims must not only believe in Allah but also in the mala’ikah, the angels (Surah 2.285), and one of the six major tenets of a Muslim’s iman is belief in angels. Not only so, but the Qur’an agrees that the angels who came to Abraham and Lot, told them that they had come to destroy the city where Lot dwelt (Surah 29.31-34), named as Sodom in the Bible.
The Qur’an therefore imposes on Muslims not only belief in angels but also in their awesome power over the affairs of men and the substance of the earth. No Muslim can therefore sincerely object to the statement in the Bible that it was an angel who moved the stone. Why then does Deedat overlook this plain statement in the Bible and falsely suggest that the identity of the person who moved the stone is a “problem”? Why is there no mention in his booklet of the verse which plainly states that it was an angel who moved the stone? The reason is that his theory that Jesus was taken down alive from the cross and that Mary was looking for a live Jesus is flatly contradicted by what this same angel immediately said to Mary:
“Do not be afraid; for I know that you seek Jesus who was crucified. He is not here for he has risen, as he said. Come, see the place where he lay. Then go quickly and tell his disciples that he has risen from the dead, and behold, he is going before you to Galilee; there you will see him. Lo, I have told you”. Matthew 28.5-7. The angel plainly told Mary and the other women to tell the disciples that Jesus, who had been crucified, had also now risen from the dead. They immediately fled from the tomb with “trembling and astonishment” (Mark 16.8). If they had thought that Jesus had survived the cross they would have been anything but surprised to find him gone from the tomb. But they had come to find a dead body and were absolutely amazed to find an angel telling them in the “clearest language humanly possible” that Jesus had risen from the dead. So we find that Deedat not only has to promote absurdities to support his arguments but also has to suppress plain statements in the Bible which refute them completely. We urge all Muslims to read the Bible itself and to discover its wonderful truths instead of reading Deedat’s booklets which so obviously pervert its teaching and promote alternatives that are full of absurdities as this booklet has constantly shown.
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John Gilchrist’s writings Answering Islam Home Page

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Taken from: http://www.answering-islam.org/Gilchrist/jonah.html

Wednesday, January 29, 2014

Reader's Comment on Jonah Article




Re previous post, article: "Prophet Jonah and the Beginnings of a New History" 

 
 
 
Dear Damien,

I just read your article on Jonah, I like the way that you have incorporated Ginzberg's legends into the mix. This is a recent realization on your part is it not? If I am not mistaken, it was not too long ago, that you would not have considered Jonah to have lived as early as the reign of Ashurnasirpal. However, Jewish legends named Jonah's Assyrian king Osnappar, which is much like the name Ashurnasirpal in my opinion. Furthermore, Jonah need not have lived so long as the days of Jeroboam II, just because one of his prophecies came true at that time, does not necessarily mean lived that he lived that long. For as you know the prophets often forecasted events that took place long after their deaths.

In my view, in order for Jonah to have influenced the myth of Jason, the earlier chronology becomes necessary.
 
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Wednesday, January 22, 2014

Was Herman Melville's 'Moby Dick' Inspired By Book of Jonah?


 
 
 
 
 
What are the similarities between the story of Moby Dick and Jonah the prophet in the Bible (who was swallowed by a big fish)?
Moby Dick by Herman Melville

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In his quest to understand the preternatural quality of Moby Dick, Ahab pursues the white whale through the seven seas, for he desires to break through "the pasteboard mask" of the visible object. Almost like his namesake, Ahab seems to worship a false god in his fixation upon capturing the great white whale. Ultimately, however, the "inscrutable malice," that "inscrutable thing... I hate" as Ahab says, the captain of the Pequod is destroyed.
Jonah, a disobedient Jewish prophet who attempts to eschew his divine commission, is cast overbard and swallowed by a whale. But, he is rescued in a marvelous manner, and he is sent to Ninive, the traditional enemy of Israel. There, all have humbled themselves having listened to God's message. When Jonah complains to God about the unexpected success of his mission, he expresses his bitterness because Yahweh, has led the people to repentance rather than having destroyed them. Thus, Jonah stands for a narrow and vindictive mentality, all too common among Jews who, since they were among the chosen people, cultivated an intolerant nationalism.
Captain Ahab, named after a powerful Israelite king, who became quite wicked as he worshipped Baal, the pagan god, and he and his wife Jezibel committed murder, also cultivated an intolerant attitude. Like Jonah, Ahab of Melville's novel, Moby Dick, has a narrow and vindictive mentality towards Moby Dick. For, despite his survival of the first attack by Moby Dick, he wishes to kill the whale in retaliation for the loss of his leg as well as so that he can understand the "inscrutable malice" of the huge creature.

Posted by mwestwood on November 10, 2010 at 12:02 PM (Answer #1)

The similarities between Herman Melville's novel Moby Dick, and the story of Jonah in the Bible center around the whale, and the faith of the two protagonists.
In the story of Moby Dick, the major conflict revolves around Captain Ahab and his obsession to kill the white whale, Moby Dick, who maimed him the last time they confronted one another. Ahab is named after a wicked Biblical king in the Old Testament. Ahab is a Quaker—allegedly a man of God—and is supposed to be a pacifist (peacemaker), but has turned his back on his faith. He has lost sight of everything but killing the whale who he sees as the personification of evil. His unhealthy preoccupation with destroying the whale ultimately brings about the death of the entire crew, except for Ishmael.
In the story of Jonah, he, too, is a man of God. He has been called by God to go speak to the people of Nineveh. Jonah did not want to do so, so in essence, he too turned his back on God and boarded a boat to take him in the opposite direction. Soon a storm assaulted the boat, and Jonah, sure that he was the reason for the danger the ship was in, convinced the ship's crew to throw him overboard in order to save themselves. They did so, and Jonah was swallowed by a great fish (which we would refer to as a "whale.") When he repents, he visits Nineveh, and the people make peace with God and are saved.

Similarities are as follows: both are religious men; each has an experience with a whale; each man turns his back on his faith.

Differences are as follows: both men turn their back on God. Ahab never finds his way back to God and brings about the destruction of the majority of his crew. Jonah, on the other hand, saves the lives of the crew members on his ship and he turns himself around and fulfills God's purpose, saving the people of Nineveh.
While the whale brings about Ahab's death, it is the whale that saves Jonah from drowning.

Melville used many Biblical allusions in the classic tale of Ahab and the white whale Moby Dick.

Comparisons between Elijah and Jonah




Taken from:

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The conductor of this symphony has all of his pieces in place. The genre is satire, the satire is signaled by irony, and we know that he has a propensity to rework earlier Old Testament narratives. Let’s listen now as Jonah faces this music. The narrator begins in 1:1 by placing Jonah in the eighth century, possibly as a contemporary of Amos and Hosea; even the Rabbis are unanimous in identifying Jonah with the prophet Jonah mentioned in 2 Kings 14:25. With this connection to 2 Kings 14:25 Jonah appears as the last in the sequence of prophets in the Northern Kingdom; Ahijah (1 Kings 11:29-39; 14:1-18), Jehu (1 Kings 16:7-12), some unnamed prophets (1 Kings 20:13-22, 28), Micaiah ben Imlah (1 Kings 22) and Elijah and Elisha (1 Kings 17 – 2 Kings 13).



Because Jonah comes in the sequence after Elijah and Elisha many phrases from its narrative find their closest biblical parallels in these narratives about the two great prophets from the North. An account involving a great fish (2:1) as well as a small worm (4:7) would not have been out of place in the Elijah/Elisha cycle. These narratives in Kings recount encounters between prophets and ravens (1 Kings 17:4-6) and bears (2 Kings 2:23-25). The narrative of Jonah could have easily been placed after the reference to Jonah son of Amittai in 2 Kings 14:25 and not interrupt the narrative flow of 2 Kings to any great degree. In this way we are invited to compare and contrast Jonah with Northern prophets, especially with Elijah.



In another way, the "wa-yehi" of Jonah 1:1 (“and it came to pass”) also links the narrative with similar events that involve creation in 1 and 2 Kings, a section of the Old Testament that contains a high concentration of prophetic miracle stories. Even a representative list is impressive. Ravens bring food (1 Kings 17:1-8); bread and oil multiply (1 Kings 17:9-16); fire and rain appear (1 Kings 18); wind, an earthquake, and fire are present (1 Kings 19:11-12); a lion kills a man (1 Kings 20:35-36); fire comes down (2 Kings 1:10, 12); the Jordan is parted, a whirlwind carries Elijah to heaven (2 Kings 2:1-14); water is purified (2 Kings 2:19-22); bears kill young boys (2 Kings 2:23-24); oil is multiplied (2 Kings 4:1-7); stew is purified (2 Kings 4:38-41); bread is multiplied (2 Kings 4:42-44); and an ax-head floats (2 Kings 6:1-7).

 



The Jonah narrative, with its miraculous events involving the storm, the great fish, the qiqayon plant, the worm and the scorching east wind fit well within 1 and 2 Kings with their numerous stories that describe Yahweh as one who controls creation.

To review up to this point, Jonah and Elijah are both from the Northern Kingdom, their ministries involve animals and both experience the miraculous intervention of Yahweh. If we add to this list the fact that the phrase in Jonah 1:1 (“now the word of Yahweh came”) also introduces Elijah in 1 Kings 17:2, 8; 21:17, 28 then we are subtly led to this conclusion; one of the goals of the Jonah narrative is to compare the prophet from Gath-hepher with Elijah.



More specific – and indeed more satirical – connections between Jonah and Elijah begin in Jonah 1:2 where Yahweh calls Jonah to, “arise, go” to Nineveh. This call to go to a foreign land is paralleled only in 1 Kings 17:9 where Yahweh commands Elijah also to “arise, go to Zarephath which is in Sidon.”



Usually Yahweh’s word is the perfect performative, where to speak is to create. The God who says “Let there be light” and “it was so” (Gen. 1:3), commands Elijah to “Arise go to Zarapheth” (1 Kings 17:9) and Elijah “arises and goes,” (1 Kings 17:10). Following this normal biblical pattern we expect the Jonah narrative to continue, “So Jonah got up and went to Nineveh.” But, instead, Jonah says nothing to Yahweh and rises to flee. It’s as though outside his door Jonah hangs a large sign with the words, “Do Not Disturb!” Jonah is certainly no Elijah!



In Jonah 1:3 the prophet flees from the presence of Yahweh. In a prophetic context, the phrase "from the presence of Yahweh” occurs primarily in connection with Elijah (1 Kings 17:1, 18:15) and Elisha (2 Kings 3:14, 5:16). The Deuteronomistic historian uses this phrase to identify these prophets as Yahweh’s servants who hear his word and execute his commands. Closely linked with this is the prophet standing in Yahweh’s heavenly council to perceive the divine word. Though Yahweh’s presence is not explicitly mentioned in the expression of this concept, it would certainly seem to be implicit (cf. Jer. 23:18, 22; 1 Kings 22:19). This means that whereas Elijah faithfully stands in the presence of Yahweh and is obedient to his bidding, Jonah seeks to escape this presence – so much so that for emphasis. the phrase "from the presence of Yahweh" is used twice in 1:3. This repetition is necessary in order to build the following chiasmus.

A. But Jonah arose to flee toward Tarshish from the presence of Yahweh

B. he went down to Joppa

C. and found a ship

D. going to Tarshish

C.’ he bought the ship

B.’ and boarded it

A.’ to go with them toward Tarshish away from the presence of Yahweh



What the words proclaim the structure subverts. Jonah is trapped, with no way out! The irony is that the presence of Yahweh surrounds Jonah, even in his flight. This irony signals satire; Jonah’s actions are foolish, indeed!



It is important to note, however, that not all of the satirical irony in the narrative uses Elijah as its foil. One example will suffice. Irony that leads to a satirical understanding of Jonah is also located in the phrase “a ship going to Tarshish” (1:3). Ships going to Tarshish are well-known in the Old Testament. First Kings 22:2 and 2 Chron. 20:35-37 report how Jehoshaphat made “ships of Tarshish to go to Ophir for gold; but they did not go, for the ships were wrecked at Ezion-geber.” Psalm 48 praises the God who “by the east wind did shatter the ships of Tarshish” (v. 8) and this is done in such a way as to indicate that the tradition is well known. In Isaiah 23:1, 14 the ships of Tarshish are exhorted to “howl because their stronghold has been devastated.” Finally, in Ezek. 27:25-26 Tarshish ships “fall into the heart of the sea.”



Taking these texts together it appears as though Tarshish ships function like a “banana-skin” tradition. A “ship going to Tarshish” culturally translates as “the Titanic going out on her maiden voyage.” The analogy is almost exact, for Tarshish ships are proud, noble structures (cf. Isa. 2:16 as a symbol of everything that is “high and lifted up” against Yahweh), carrying precious cargoes, and they are generically programmed to be “shattered by the east wind” and to promptly “sink into the heart of the sea.” This means that at the outset of his scheming to flee from Yahweh, Jonah is doomed to fail!



Jonah appears again as an “anti-Elijah” when we consider that in 1 Kings 19 Elijah runs – not because he begrudges Yahweh’s gracious characteristics, as does Jonah (cf. 4:2) – but because he is on Jezebel’s hit list. At this point Yahweh’s question to the defeated Elijah is, “What are you doing here?” (1 Kings 19:9). This is very close to the captain’s anxious cry in Jonah 1:6, “What are you doing in a deep sleep?” Jonah’s “deep sleep” goes far beyond the exhausted sleep of Elijah when he is on the run from Jezebel (cf. 1 Kings 19:5 and the words “and he laid down and slept”). All of the special care with which Yahweh takes care of Elijah – a plant to shade him (1 Kings 19:4]), angels to accompany him (1 Kings 19:5) and ravens to feed him (1 Kings 19:6) – find connections in Jonah, in even more miraculous forms. The irony is that Elijah’s death wish comes after his success on Mt. Carmel in 1 Kings 18 which prompts the death threat of Jezebel (1 Kings 19:2). On the other hand Jonah’s exhaustion comes after fleeing from the presence of Yahweh – the very presence Elijah is running toward (1 Kings 19:8)! These elements magnify the differences between these two prophets, and further diminish the stature of Jonah.



But a closer look at Elijah’s death wish demonstrates further satire when it is compared with Jonah 4:3 where this pouting prophet asks Yahweh to take his life. David Daube analyzes every instance of a wish for death or act of suicide/killing in the Old Testament. Of interest here that he designates the requests made by Moses, Elijah, Jeremiah and Jonah as the tradition of “the weary prophet.” But Jeremiah’s so-called request for death is in reality a wistful (and futile) yearning that he should never have been born (Jer. 20:14-18) and not a desire that his life come to an end. Consequently, it should be categorized with Job 3:2-7 as a curse of life rather than as a request for death. This leaves the requests of Moses, Elijah and Jonah in a group for consideration.

 

In 1 Kings 19, in his flight from Jezebel, Elijah comes to Horeb and begs Yahweh to kill him (v. 4). Elijah’s motivation appears to be twofold: he is a failure as a prophet and he is the only true follower of Yahweh left. Not only does Elijah overlook Obadiah and the hundred Yahwistic prophets still in hiding (1 Kings 18:3-4), but also that there are 7,000 people left in Israel who have not worshipped Baal (1 Kings 19:18). In response, Yahweh commissions Elijah to anoint Elisha as his successor (v. 15).



In contrast, in 4:3 with the words “Yahweh, take my life from me” Jonah strikes a noble pose by echoing the prayer of Elijah in 1 Kings 19:4 where he says, “Yahweh, take my life”. But instead of continuing, “for I am no better than my fathers” Jonah adapts Elijah’s words to, “for my death is better than life”. This satire of Jonah is based upon the fact that Elijah, wearied with his endless struggle with Baalism, is convinced that he will not succeed where his fathers had failed. He feels that it is time to join them in death. On the other hand, Jonah is disappointed with the very success of his mission! Jonah has Elijah’s depression without Elijah’s excuse!



The immediate divine response to both requests for death made by Moses and Elijah is a diminishment in prophetic authority. Moses’ portion of his divine authority is divided among the seventy elders (Num. 11:16-17). Elijah’s office as prophet is shared with Elisha (1 Kings 19:19-21). The most significant shared feature is the fact that these entreaties for death are denied by Yahweh. Jonah’s requests for death in 4:3, 8, therefore, hint at an imminent reduction in Jonah’s authority and status vis-à-vis Yahweh’s prophet.
Like Elijah before him, who sits under a broom tree and prays to die at a time of crisis (1 Kings 19:4), later in chapter four Jonah experiences a similar loss of confidence under his qiqayon plant. Also like Elijah who experiences a revelation of Yahweh on Mt. Horeb, Jonah will also receive a revelation in 4:10-11.



Only two other prophets ever explicitly receive Yahweh’s word outside the boundaries of the Promised Land: Elijah at Mt. Horeb (1 Kings 19:8-9, 15-18), and Ezekiel by the River Chebar in Babylon (Ezek. 1:3). When Yahweh extends the revelation of his word to Jonah in this “extra-terrestrial” way, the prophet is unmoved by this act of kindness. Jonah hears only that his anger has not been an appropriate response.



On the other hand, Elijah travels to Horeb and has his dramatic encounter with Yahweh who speaks to him from the “soft murmuring sound” (or “still, small voice,” 19:12). The contrast couldn’t be any more definite – Elijah at Horeb, the ancestral locale of revelation, speaking as a faithful emissary with Yahweh and Jonah petulantly bickering with God about his personal discomfort outside of the Promised Land.



In both 1 Kings 19 and Jonah 4 – by means of his creation – Yahweh attempts to edify his prophet. In Elijah’s case the prophet finally understands that Yahweh’s work will not be by wind, earthquake or fire (1 Kings 19:11-12). Rather, Yahweh will accomplish his great purposes through a “gentle whisper” (1 Kings 19:12), that is to say, through the political and prophetic affairs of Israel and Aram (1 Kings 19:15-18). In Jonah’s case – after everything Yahweh has done to him and for him by means of a fish, his “second chance” (cf. 3:1) and the qiqayon plant – his lack of responsiveness is shocking.



The intertexts we have explored between the Elijah and Jonah invite a comparison of the two, and it is thus. If Elijah is the most daring, courageous, victorious Yahwistic prophet in Israel’s history (cf. e.g., Malachi 3:23) – indeed one of the major fulfillments of “a prophet like me [Moses]” (Deut. 18:15) – then Jonah is certainly the antithesis of this mighty hero of old. When compared to Elijah, the narrative of Jonah is a well orchestrated symphony of satire.

....

Monday, October 28, 2013

The Song of Jonah: A Metrical Analysis

The Song Of Jonah: A Metrical Analysis*
Duane L. Christensen
American Baptist Seminary & Graduate Theological Union, Berkeley, CA 94704
The psalm of Jonah (2:3–10) has attracted considerable attention in the history of modern literary criticism of the Bible, and most scholars have focused on apparent incongruities between the psalm and the surrounding prose narrative. Some have chosen to interpret these discrepancies by seeing the psalm as an early source on which the story itself was based. The analogy of the Song of Hannah (1 Sam 2:1–10) or of the Song of Moses (Exod 15:1–18) is suggestive to illustrate this particular approach. In both cases there are scholars who see these poems as archaic in nature, ancient sources that have been preserved in later prose contexts which quote them. But if such lyric material was the original source and perhaps the very incentive for drafting the prose story, why did the author not bring the narrative into greater harmony with the psalm? It is this question that, at least from the time of W. DeWette (1817),1 has taken the mainstream of critical discussion in a different direction. The resulting scholarly consensus is still dominantly on the side of those who see Jonah’s psalm as an insertion into an existing narrative, either by the author of the prose account or by some later redactor or editor. H. W. Wolff’s recent popular presentation of the book of Jonah as “A Drama in Five Acts” is illustrative in that he omits the psalm altogether from his presentation.2 An increasing number of scholars, however, are taking issue with this consensus.3 This particular paper is an attempt to further that discussion through an assessment of the relation of the psalm to its immediate prose framework on metrical grounds.
The book of Jonah is a profound work of literary art as J. Magonet, in particular, has shown.4 And as Kenneth Muir once put it, “The artist in words must collaborate with the genius of the language in the same way as the sculptor collaborates with the grain and texture of the wood or the markings of the stone.”5 The problem for the biblical scholar is that such an approach, which focuses on the craft of the artist with words, takes one directly into the morass of conflicting opinions about the nature of Hebrew poetry. In a recent assessment of this problem, James Kugel has suggested that we might do well to question the very use of our term “poetry” in the Hebrew Bible.6 He takes this position on two accounts. First, he demonstrates rather forcefully that there is no clear boundary to separate what scholars normally call prose and poetry in the Bible. We are dealing rather with some sort of continuum. Second, Kugel questions the very existence of any meter as such in the poetry of the Hebrew Bible. The history of the elusive quest to find a metrical structure is such that he doubts if any theory of Hebrew meter can ever be demonstrated to the satisfaction of the scholarly community. And, though it is certainly true that few subjects in the history of biblical criticism have generated greater differences of opinion, it remains a fact that few issues have generated more sustained interest.
The time may well be right to synthesize the apparently divergent views of metrical analysis in the light of specific texts. Jerome Walsh has made an important step in this direction in his recent study of Jonah 2:3–10.7 Refusing to join either contemporary camp—of those who count syllables or those who count stress groupings—he uses both approaches. Since the latter turns out to be more useful in his particular rhetorical critical study, it receives primary attention. He is also careful to distance himself from earlier metricists who tended to emend the text rather freely to fit their particular theories. As Walsh put it, “The MT presents a version of that psalm which is available for study without prejudice to arguments for potential textual emendation.”8 I heartily concur with this perspective. This particular study is an attempt to combine two complementary approaches to the assessment of Hebrew meter in relation to the Song of Jonah, without resorting to textual emendation.
It is interesting to note that Eduard Sievers in his monumental study Metrische Studien (1901–1907) included so-called prose texts in developing his particular metrical theory, including Jonah 1–2, where both chapters were treated with the same meticulous care from a metrical perspective.9 Wilhelm Erbt (1907) went even further as he used Sievers’s principles of metrical analysis to divide the entire book of Jonah into two separate literary sources.10 Though Erbt’s conclusions must be rejected, the basic approach itself is worth a second look. When scholars like Wolff describe the book of Jonah as “poetic fiction,”11 they clearly have in mind those very chapters which most scholars designate as prose, since these same scholars have dismissed the psalm of Jonah (2:3–10) as inauthentic.
Though I have subjected the entire book of Jonah to detailed metrical analysis, this particular paper is concerned primarily with the Song of Jonah (chap. 2), where I will attempt to demonstrate that the prose framework of Jonah’s psalm is in fact an integral part of the song itself, particularly from a metrical point of view. This is not to say that there is no difference between chap. 2 and the rest of the book of Jonah in matters of poetic style. Anyone who reads the book with sensitivity feels that he or she has entered a rather different world in 2:3–10 from the rest of the book—a world closely akin to that of the Psalter. As Jonah resumes his journey downward, to the very depths of hell itself, the language in turn soars to lyrical heights. The numerous allusions to various psalms at the beginning and end of Jonah’s psalm can be understood as a literary technique on the part of an author who, perhaps on a subliminal level, is urging the reader to “think Psalter” at this particular point in the narrative. But what is indeed interesting to note is that this difference in language is not marked metrically. There is a metrical boundary separating the psalm from its “prose” framework, but the change in metrical structure is no different from that observed elsewhere in the book of Jonah. Moreover, a number of metrical features suggest that the so called prose framework around Jonah’s psalm is in fact an integral part of the structure of the larger Song of Jonah (2:1–11).
The traditional approach to Hebrew meter remains that of the Ley-Sievers method, which focuses on patterns of word stress within given poetic lines.12 Recently, Jerzy Kurylowicz has criticized this approach suggesting an important modification that will be used in this study.13 As Kurylowicz noted, Sievers was quite right in excluding such factors as “parallelism of members” and other stylistic factors from the domain of Hebrew metrics. As he put it, “Parallelism of members, etc. are adornments proper to poetic style, but must be left out of consideration in the analysis of the metre.”14 This statement deserves some qualification in that it is only with meter in the sense of rhythm in terms of accentual “beats” in a given line that “parallelism of members” as such is not significant. Some aspects of parallelism itself can be described quantitatively through a second metrical approach to be described below. Here it is important simply to describe how Kurylowicz’s approach differs from that of Sievers. By paying careful attention to the diacritical marks of the Masoretic accentual system, Kurylowicz has devised a system of “syntactic-accentual meter.”15 In short, he counts syntactic units rather than individual words. Thus, some independent nouns and verbs lose their accent altogether when considered from a metrical point of view.
A second approach to the study of Hebrew meter in vogue at the present time focuses on the actual length of poetic lines in terms of counting syllables.16 Though this particular approach does produce interesting, and often persuasive, insights into the prosodic structure of some texts, the method itself is in need of refinement.17 Since counting syllables is essentially a means of assessing the actual length of poetic lines rather than the rhythmical manner in which these same lines were spoken (or sung), there is no real reason to see the method of syllable counting as inherently in opposition to that of stress counting. The presence of “parallelism of members” in Hebrew poetry does produce quantitative parallelism, which can often be shown by counting syllables, regardless of how the rhythmic stresses of that particular line were read. Since the Hebrew language makes a distinction between long and short vowels, there is a need to modify such an approach if one hopes to assign a meaningful number to the length of a particular line in terms of the actual amount of time required to speak or sing that line.
The most useful approach to measuring the length of lines in Hebrew poetry is that of counting morae, that is, the length of time required to say the simplest syllable from a phonetic point of view. Though this particular approach to scanning Hebrew poetry has been around a long time, it has not been the subject of serious discussion in recent years. It was a dominant approach in German scholarship from the middle of the seventeenth to the early nineteenth century. The most prevalent of the early advocates were J. Alting (1608–79) and J. A. Danz (1654–1727), who gave their names to this approach—namely, the Alting-Danzian System, which survived into the nineteenth century.18 B. Spinoza (1677) was an advocate of this approach, as were such scholars as H. B. Starke (1705), J. W. Meiner (1748, 1757) and J. F. Hirt (1771).19 Nineteenth-century “Metriks” who counted morae included J. Bellermann (1813), J. Saalschütz (1825) and Hubert Grimme (1896–97, 1903).20 The basic problem with all of these early approaches to counting morae is that their systems were much too complex and overly refined. The system evolved into three and then four major categories which took into account the consonantal environment of each vowel.
When I was first introduced to counting morae two years ago by James Hoard, who has used this approach in scanning modern Japanese poetry, my first question was, “What do I do with the shewa? Is it a half mora?” His response was immediate: “Don’t overrefine the system. Two categories are sufficient—long and short.” I have since learned of a similar counting system in Indian poetry based on the concept of mātrās (“instants”) with the same long versus short vowel distinction.21 In modern languages that make a significant distinction between long and short vowels, it is sufficient to distinguish vowels into phonetically short and long categories, assigning a count of one for the former and two for the latter. The same holds for biblical Hebrew. There is no need to take into account the consonants as such; nor is there any reason to break down the possibilities into the four categories commonly listed.
The system of counting morae is foundational to the present analysis. It is by this means that the essential prosodic units were determined and the boundaries between the larger groupings of these binary units ascertained. It is at this point that the syntactic-accentual method of Kury-lowicz was useful in determining the rhythmic meter as such. The two approaches were found to complement each other. Together they make up a system that was the basis of a structural analysis of the entire book of Jonah, which is indeed remarkable in its simplicity as well as in its beauty.22 A surprising result of the analysis as such was a fresh glimpse into some of the theological concerns of the author of the book of Jonah as reflected in the architectural design of the book taken as a whole.
The following is a translation and transliteration of the Song of Jonah (2:1–11) together with a summary of the metrical analysis:23
The Song of Jonah (2:1–11)
A A Great Fish “Houses” Jonah (2:1–2) [4:4: 4]
{ 12 wayěman YHWH / dāg gādôl / (1) Now YHWH appointed / a Great Fish /
2

}
9 liblōa‘ / ’et-yônâ // To swallow / Jonah. //
2

{ 13 wayhî yônâ bim ‘ê haddag / And Jonah was / in the belly of the fish /
2

}
9 šělōšâ yāmîm three days, /
1

{ 10 ûšlōšâ lêlôt // and three nights. //
1

9 wayyitpallēl yônâ / (2) And Jonah prayed /
1

}
{ 9 ’el-YHWH ’ĕlōhayw // to YHWH his God, /
1

9 mimmĕ‘ ê haddāgâ // from the belly of the fish; //
1

4 wayyō’ mer / (3) And he said: /
1

B Jonah’s Prayer from Sheol: a Lament (2:3) [3:3]
17 qārā’ tî miṣṣārâ lî /’el-YHWH / “I called out in my distress / to YHWH; /
2

}
{ 7 wayya‘ ănēnî // And he answered me. //
1

10 mibbeṭen šĕ’ôl / šiwwa‘ tî / From the womb of Sheol / I cried for help; /
2

}
9 šāma‘ tā qǒlî // You heard my voice. //
1

C Jonah’s Descent from YHWHs Presence (2:4–5) [3:3: 3:3]
13 wattašlîkēnî měṣûlâ / (4) You cast me toward the depth—/
1

}
6 bilebab yammîm / into the heart of the seas; /
1

13 wĕnāhār yĕsōbĕbēnî // Where River swirled about me. //
1

{ 6 kol-mis̆bārêk(a) / All your breakers, /
1

}
13 wĕgallêk(a) / ‘ālay ‘ābarû // And your waves / passed over me.” //
2

{ 9 wa’ ănî ’āmartî / (5) And then I said: /
1

}
11 nigrašti / minneged ‘ênêk(a) // “I am driven away / from your? presence; //
2

9 ’ak / ’ôsîp lĕhabbîṭ / Yet / I persist in looking /
2

}
6 ’el-hêkal qodšek(a) // to your holy Temple. //
1

D The Final Descent to the “Roots of the Mountains” (2:6a–7a) [3:3]
{ 12 ’ăpāpûnî mayim / ‘ad-nepeš / (6) Waters choked me / to death; /
2

}
11 tĕhôm yĕsōbĕbēnî // The Abyss swirled about me. //
1

{ 11 sûp ḥābûš lĕrō’ sî // Weeds tangled about my head; //
1

}
8 lĕqiṣbê hārîm / (7) To the roots of the mountains /
1

5 yāradtî / I went down. /
1

C’ Jonah’s Ascent “from the Pit” (2:7b–8) [3:3: 3:3]
{ 5 hā’ āreṣ / The netherworld, /
1

}
14 bĕriḥêha ba‘ădî / lě‘ôlām // With its bars closed upon me / forever. //
2

{ 6 watta‘al miššaḥat / But you brought me up from the Pit /
1

}
10 ḥayyay / YHWH ’ĕlōhāy // alive, / O YHWH, my God! //
2

{ 11 bĕhit ‘aṭṭēp ‘ālay / napšî / (8) When my soul-life had expired / within me, /
2

}
9 ’et-YHWH zākartî // I remembered YHWH. //
1

15 wattābô’ ’ēlêk(a) / tēpillātî / And my prayer / came to you—/
2

}
6 ’el-hêkal qodšek(a) // to your holy Temple. //
1

B’ Jonah’s Prayer in YHWH’s “Temple”: a Thanksgiving (2:9–10) [3:3:3]
{ 10 mĕs̆ammĕrîm / hablê-šāw’ // (9) Those who cling / to empty nothings, //
2

}
9 ḥasdām ya‘ǎzōbû // Abandon their covenant trust. //
1

11 wa’ ănî / bĕqôl tôdâ / (10) But I, / with the voice of thanksgiving, /
2

}
{ 6 ’ezbĕḥâ-lāk / Let me sacrifice to you. /
1

13 ’ăšer nādartî / ’ăšallēmâ // What I have vowed / let me pay; //
2

}
11 yĕšû‘ātâ la-YHWH // Salvation belongs to YHWH!” //
1

A’ The Fish Returns Jonah to Dry Land (2:11) [2:2]
10 wayyō’ mer / YHWH laddāg // (11) And YHWH / spoke to the fish; //
2

10 wayyāqē’ ’et-yônâ / And it vomited out Jonah, /
1

}
7 ’el-hayyabbāšâ // upon the dry land. //
1

The column to the left of the transliteration lists the mora count of that line, which is simply the syllable count plus one additional unit for each long vowel. The column to the right of the translation lists the number of syntactic-accentual units, which, for the most part, coincides with the disjunctive marks in the Masoretic accentual system. The boundary of such metrical units is marked by a slash, with a double slash for ’atnaḥ and sillûq. The horizontal lines in the two columns indicate the boundaries of larger groupings of metrical units which are shaped by content, reflecting units of thought—particularly in the groupings of syntactic-accentual units.
In terms of mora count, the Song of Jonah falls into two equal halves: vv 1–5 (213 morae) and vv 6–11 (210 morae). And within these two major sections there is still further symmetry in length as shown in the following table:
vv 1–3 (I)

127 morae

vv 6–8 (III)

123 morae

vv 4–5 (II)

86 morae

vv 9–11 (IV)

87 morae

Total

213 morae

Total

210 morae

When examined in terms of syntactic-accentual meter, the picture is even more interesting. Since a /4:4:4/ metrical unit is equivalent to a /3:3:3:3/ unit in total length, sections I and III (vv 1–3 and 6–8) can be scanned either /3:3:3:3:3:3/ or /4:4:4:3:3/, at least theoretically. A close reading of the text will show that the second alternative is more likely, so that vv 6–8 were read (or sung) to the same pattern as vv 1–3, namely, /4:4:4/3:3/, as follows:
{ 12 ’ăpāpûnî mayim / ‘ad-nepš / (6) Waters choked me / to death; / 2 }
11 tĕhôm yĕsōbĕbēnî // The Abyss swirled about me; // 1
11 sûp ḥābûš lĕrō’ šî // Weeds tangled about my head. // 1
{ 8 lĕqiṣbê hārîm / (7) To the roots of the mountains / 1 }
5 yāradtî / I went down. / 1
{ 5 hā’ āreṣ / The netherworld, / 1
9 bĕriḥêha ba‘ădî / With its bars closed upon me—/ 1
{ 5 lĕ‘ ôlām // Forever! // 1 }
6 watta‘ al miššaḥat / But you brought me up from the Pit / 1
10 ̣ḥayyay / YHWH ’ĕlōhāy // Alive, / O YHWH, my God! // 2
{ 11 bĕhit‘ aṭṭēp ‘ālay / napšî / (8) When my soul-life had expired / within me, / 2 }
9 ’et-YHWH zākart̂ // I remembered YHWH. // 1
{ 15 wattābô’ ’ēlêk(a) / tĕpillātî / And my prayer / came to you—/ 2 }
6 ’el-hêkal qodšek(a) // to your holy Temple. // 1
From a syntactic-accentual point of view vv 4–5 and 9–11 are also virtually identical: /3:3:3:3/ versus /3:3:3:4/. In short, the internal symmetry of the two halves of thte Song of Jonah is such as to suggest the possibility of a musical tune with two stanzas; only a musical constraint of some sort can produce such symmetry in detail. But what is even more interesting to note is that this Song of Jonah includes the so-called prose framework of Jonah’s psalm (2:3–10).
A close reading of the text will lend further support to the prosodic analysis as such. As Walsh has noted, the two internal sections of this poem are delineated by rhetorical markers.24 At the beginning of each section we have similar verbal phrases: wĕnāhar yĕsōbĕbēnî (v 4a) and tĕhôm yĕsōbĕbēnî (v 6a). The end of sections II and III is marked by the identical phrase ’el hêkal qodšek(a). In a similar manner the outside sections I and IV are also marked, but in a chiastic manner. Section I ends with the term qôlî (v 3c), which is stressed at the beginning of section IV in bĕqôl tôdâ (v 10a). The poem begins with YHWH appointing the Great Fish to swallow Jonah (v 1a) and ends with YHWH talking to the fish, which then vomited Jonah onto the dry land (v 11)—a most fitting inclusion.
The chiastic structure of the poem may be outlined as follows:
2:1–2 A YHWH appointed a Great Fish to swallow Jonah.
2:3 B Jonah’s prayer from Sheol: a lament
2:4–5 C Though driven from YHWH’s presence,
Jonah continued to look to his holy Temple.
2:6–7b D Jonah’s descent “to the roots of the mountains”
2:7c D′ Jonah’s ascent “from the Pit”
2:8 C′ Though his “soul-life had expired,”
Jonah continued to turn to YHWH in his holy “Temple.”
2:9–10 B′ Jonah’s prayer in YHWH’s “Temple”: a thanksgiving
2:11 A′ At YHWH’s word the fish vomited Jonah.
The center of this chiastic structure does not coincide with the prosodic center of the poem as such. Rather the descent downwards continues into the second half of the poem, where it reaches its climax in the term yāradtî, “I went down” (v 7a). This same term is a key concept in chap. 1, where Jonah “went down to Joppa” (wayyēred, v 3b) and then “went down” (wayyēred) into the ship (v 3d). Jonah then “went down” (yārad, v 5c) into the far reaches of the ship (yarkĕtê hassĕpînâ). The fact that the perfect form of the verbal root yrd is used only twice in the book of Jonah—immediately before the phrase yarkĕtê hassĕpînâ (1:5) and immediately after the phrase lĕqiṣbê hārîm (2:7)—suggests that these two phrases may be connected. Thus, there may well be substance to the suggestion of James Ackerman that Jonah’s descent into the “far reaches of the vessel” (yarkĕtê hassĕpînâ) in chap. 1 is a foreshadowing of Jonah’s descent in the fish in chap. 2 to “the foundations of the mountains,” in the sense of anticipatory paronomasia involving an association with the mythic yarkĕtê ṣāpôn (“the innermost parts of Zaphon/the North”).25 This latter phrase is the mythic abode of the gods, like Mount Olympus of Greek mythology. Jonah’s journey to the foundations of the mountains then becomes a curious reversal of the ascent of both Moses and Elijah of Mount Horeb. In each case it was at the end of a perilous journey that the prophet encountered the theophanic presence. The journey downward in chap. 1 is carried one step further in a poetic fashion through assonance, as Jonah lay down in the vessel where he went “deep in sleep” (wayyērādam, 1:5).26 This unusual term, which has association with the sleep (tardēmâ) of Adam at the creation of Eve (Gen 2:21) and of Abraham’s sleep of prophetic revelation (Gen 15:12), may be a kind of foreshadowing of the meaning of Jonah’s descent in chap. 2. For it is certainly possible to interpret Jonah’s experience in the fish in terms of a new creation with significant implications regarding God’s covenant with Abraham and his descendants. At any rate, it is interesting to note that immediately after the reoccurrence of the term yārad in 2:7a, YHWH himself reenters the picture to bring Jonah “up from the Pit alive” (watta‘ al miššaḥat ḥayyay).
The (C) elements of the chiastic structural design of Jonah 2 focus on the repetition of the phrase ’el hêkal qodšek(a), but one should notice how differently the two phrases are to be understood. On the one hand, Jonah is wistfully looking to a specific Temple as he experiences the absence of YHWH; for that Temple is the symbol of God’s presence (2:5). But in the second instance YHWH himself has just appeared and the “House of the Fish” has thus become a surrogate “Temple” of YHWH (2:8). This is why the prayer of lament out of distress (2:3) has now become a prayer of thanksgiving (bĕqôl tôdâ, 2:9). Early Christian artists, who uniformly portrayed Jonah entering the sea monster head first, intuited the decisive change within the “House of the Fish” when they always portrayed him being expelled head first.27 It was inside the fish that Jonah was turned around, or “born again,” as some would choose to put it. The fish itself was not an agent of destruction so much as a vehicle of redemptive change. The fish which YHWH had appointed to swallow Jonah (2:1) also responded to YHWH’s word by vomiting him onto the dry land (2:11). Once Jonah left the vessel at the hands of the sailors in 1:15, the sea (yām) ceased its “raging” and the term never appears again in the story. The fish protected Jonah from the ravages of the sea, and that same fish restored him to dry land and to a resumption of his commission to enter another “House of the Fish” (Nineveh), beyond the realm of the sea.28
The chiastic structure of the psalm in relation to its content is suggested also by another line of evidence. Magonet has studied the relation of Jonah’s psalm to the Psalter in terms of what he sees to be specific quotations.29 He locates sixteen such allusions (involving some thirty possible sources), nine of which appear in vv 3–6a and seven in vv 7b–10—but none in the center.30 Jonah leaves the familiar world of the Psalter in vv 6b–7a:
The Abyss swirled about me.
Weeds tangled about my head.
To the roots of the mountains I went down.
The netherworld with its bars closed upon me forever.
In these lines there are no allusions to the Psalter. At the very point where Jonah makes his final descent to hell itself, all contact with the familiar world of the psalms ceases, at least for the moment. As Magonet put it, “In parallel to the situation he describes, the sudden change from familiar to unfamiliar language takes one into the depths of a frightening new world, far from God, where only the sudden intervention of God Himself can restore the lost soul.”31 As soon as God enters the picture to bring Jonah’s “soul-life up from the Pit” (2:7c), the reader once again enters the familiar world of the Psalter with increasingly frequent allusions. Walsh described this same phenomenon in terms of what he calls “distancing” in the sense of spatial movement away from the presence of YHWH.32 But Magonet’s analysis shows the concentric design of this movement, which is conveyed in the very distribution of allusions to the Psalter. It is a bit like a technique used by Shakespeare in Othello where he reproduced almost perfect Greek iambic pentameter until the point at which Othello goes insane. And at that precise moment the meter dissolves and the reader (or hearer) is left with an uneasy feeling that something is wrong, even if he or she knows nothing about the intricate world of Greek metrical structures.33 Here in the narrative of Jonah, the reader (or hearer) who is familiar with Israel’s lyric tradition is made aware that Jonah has slipped beyond the pale in his flight from YHWH’s presence (cf. 1:3 where the phrase “away from YHWH” appears as the outer elements of a chiastic structure at the outset of Jonah’s flight). The stages of Jonah’s descent in chap. 2 are actually unique. As Magonet put it:
Every other such description in the Psalter consists only of a series of synonymous phrases, any of which are interchangeable, but no other consecutive descent is described. The significance of this is two-fold. Once again it demonstrates the uniqueness of this “psalm” and the unlikelihood of it being taken from a standard collection of such material. Secondly it displays essentially a narrative technique that has organised the symbolic terminology of the “underworld” into a coherent pattern of the continuing descent, and is thus stylistically the same as the form chosen by the author for the book as a whole.34
At two other points the content of Jonah’s psalm suggests verbal awareness of the narrative in chap. 1. In 2:10 the terms ’ezbĕḥâ (“let me sacrifice”) and nādartî (“I have vowed”) echo the content of 1:16b, where the sailors offered sacrifice (wayyizbĕḥû zebaḥ) and made vows (wayyiddĕrû nĕdārîm). And the prosodic structure of 2:3 suggests the possibility of the so-called pivot pattern, or perhaps an even more complex instance of paronomasia involving two different meanings of the roots ‘nh and qr’:
qārā’ tî miṣṣārâ lî ’ el YHWH I called in my distress to YHWH,
wayya‘ănēnî And he answered/afflicted me.
mibbeṭen šĕ’ ôl šiwwa‘ tî From the womb of Sheol I cried for help.
s̆āma‘tā qôlî You heard my voice.
Looking backward to the preceding narrative the reader is reminded of the fact that the key root qr’ has already appeared three times: in YHWH’s original command “to proclaim” against Nineveh (1:2); in the captain’s repetition of this command with the meaning “to pray” (1:6); and in the sailors’ prayer to YHWH (1:14). Here for the first time the term is on Jonah’s lips, but initially it could be heard as a cry of despair because YHWH has “afflicted him” (wayyĕ‘annēnî), taking the piel of ‘nh3. It is only when the cry is in fact taken as an actual prayer in terms of what follows that the verb is to be read with MT as the root ‘nh1 “to answer, respond” (wayya‘ănēnî), in parallel to s̆āma‘tā qôlî, “you heard my voice.”35
Still further evidence of the integrity of chap. 2 is the close relation to chap. 3. As Magonet has noted, chaps. 2 and 3 of the book of Jonah “are constructed to be mirror images of each other. The general relationship between them can be clearly expressed in the general formula that whereas Jonah (in chapter 2) descends in a step-wise manner into the depths (both geographical and spiritual), the people of Nineveh rise in a step-wise manner to the heights.”36 The relation between these two chapters is perhaps even more intricately developed than Magonet realized. For a prosodic analysis of chap. 3 reveals a rather similar chiastic structure to that observed in chap. 2 with the renewal of Jonah’s commission to enter Nineveh, that Great City (3:1–2), and Jonah’s “repentance” (3:3–4) falling between the two parallel structures. Chap. 3:5–10 may be outlined as follows:
3:5 A Nineveh’s repentance
3:6 B The king’s repentance
3:7–8 C The king’s decree: “Do not be evil (’l yr‘ w)!”
3:9 The king’s hope that God may repent
3:10 God’s repentance: he did not do the “evil” (hārā‘ â) he intended.
Curiously the center of this structure involves a pun that has great significance from a structural point of view.37 The actual decree of the king of Nineveh is itself a carefully structured chiasmus:
hā’ādām wĕhabbĕhēmâ Human beings and beasts,
habbāqār wĕhaṣṣō’ n Cattle and sheep—
’al yiṭ‘ămû mĕ’ûmâ They shall not taste anything.
’al yir‘û They shall not graze/be evil!
ûmayim ’al yištû And water they shall not drink.
wĕyitkassû śaqqîm And they shall don sackcloth,
hā’ ādām wĭhabbĕhēmâ Human beings and beasts.
It is when this larger structural pattern is observed that the true significance of the king’s enigmatic command becomes evident. The very command to the animals “not to graze” (’al yir‘û) takes on a startling twist when applied to human beings. For here it is another meaning of the same words that is to be heard. Human beings do not graze (yir‘û), but they do commit evil (yērĕ‘û). And the verbal root r“ of this latter meaning, “to be evil,” is used six times in the space of four verses as the poet moves from the center of his chiastic structure to a new topic—the Great Evil that came upon Jonah, namely his anger (4:1).
3:8 wĕyašūbû ’iš middarkô hārā‘âr
3:10 šābû middarkam hārā‘â wayyinnāḥem hā’ĕlōhîm ‘al hārā‘â
4:1 wayyēra‘ ’el yônâ rā‘â gĕdôlâ
4:2 wĕniḥām ‘al hārā‘â
Both chaps. 2 and 3 portray curious theological reversals. In chap. 2 Jonah is an anti-Moses figure of sorts. Whereas Moses ascended to the top of the mountain to encounter God, Jonah descended to the roots of the mountains for an unexpected theophany. In chap. 4 still further motifs are picked up which tie Jonah to Elijah and the story of his theophany on Mount Horeb. Like Elijah, Jonah too asks God that he might die (cf. 1 Kgs 19:4 and Jonah 4:3, 8). Both prophets sit down (wayyēšeb) beneath a desert plant after a journey of a day (1 Kgs 19:4 and Jonah 3:4 and 4:6), to receive an unexpected message from God. And both individuals had lain down and had gone to sleep (wayyiškab wayyîšan/wayyērādam—cf. 1 Kgs 19:5 and Jonah 1:5) before receiving that message. Elijah was told a second time by the “angel of YHWH” to journey forty days to encounter God on the holy mountain (1 Kgs 19:8). Jonah encountered YHWH at the “roots of the mountains” and, after his theophany, was told a second time to enter Nineveh, where his message was focused on forty days (Jonah 3:4). Thus it might be better, perhaps, to describe Jonah as an anti-Elijah figure, Elijah in turn being a Moses figure.
The king of Nineveh, on the other hand, becomes a proclaimer of “Torah” of sorts when he urges the people (and perhaps Jonah as well) to turn from evil (3:7–8). Nineveh repented (3:5–7a) in hopes that God would “repent” as well (3:9). Their hopes were well founded for God did change his mind and did not do the “evil” he had intended to do to Nineveh (3:10). But now a Great Evil came upon Jonah (4:1), who stood in need of much greater repentance than he had shown in 3:3–4. The nature of this repentance on the part of Jonah is the subject of the concluding chapter of the book. It is Jonah’s anger that is evil, and herein lies a profound message to any sensitive reader of this delightful narrative poem.
There are limits to anger. Beyond a certain point anger becomes a Great Evil, and Jonah had crossed that line. Anger is permissible only insofar as it can also include compassion. This is indeed a difficult lesson to learn. For we all know how hard it is truly to hear the words of that One who personified such compassion and who was also described as someone “greater than Jonah,” when he said:
Love your enemies.
Do good to those who hate you.
Bless those who curse you.
Pray for those who treat you badly.
(Luke 6:27–28 JB)
And is that not at least one of the primary messages of the narrative poem we call the book of Jonah?[1]

* A preliminary draft of this paper was presented in the Biblical Hebrew Poetry Section of the SBL meetings in New York on 21 December 1982. The final draft was written while in residence at the École biblique in Jerusalem and was presented on 26 January 1983 in the Institute of Advanced Studies at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem for a seminar on the Bible as literature under the direction of Shemaryahu Talmon and Menahem Haran. I am grateful to the members of this seminar for their criticism and suggestions and especially to Jack Sasson for sharing so generously his present research on the Hebrew text of the book of Jonah.
1 W. M. L. DeWette, Lehrbuch der historisch-kritischen Einleitung in kanonischen und apocryphischen Bücher des A. T. (Berlin: G. Reimer, 1817) 298, cited by G. Landes in Int 21 (1967) 3.
2 H. W. Wolff, Jonah: Church in Revolt (St. Louis: Clayton, 1978).
3 J. S. Ackerman, “Satire and Symbolism in the Song of Jonah,” in Traditions in Transformation: Turning Points in Biblical Faith (ed. B. Halpern and J. Levenson; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1981) 213–46; L. C. Allen, The Books of Joel, Obadiah, Jonah and Micah (NICOT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1976) 175–235; G. C. Cohn, Das Buch Jona im Lichte der biblischen Erzählkunst (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1969); T. E. Fretheim, The Message of Jonah (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1977); A. Jepsen, “Anmerkung zum Buche Jona,” Wort-Gebot-Glaube: Walter Eichrodt Zum 80. Geburtstag (ATANT 59; Zurich: Zwingli, 1970) 297–305; O. Kaiser, “Wirklichkeit, Möglichkeit und Vorurteil: ein Beitrag zum Verständnis des Buches Jonas,” EvT 30 (1967) 91–103; G. M. Landes, “The Kerygma of the Book of Jonah,” Int 21 (1967) 3–31; J. Magonet, Form and Meaning: Studies in Literary Techniques in the Book of Jonah (BEvT 2; Bern and Frankfort/M.: Lang, 1976); J. Rosenberg, “Jonah and the Prophetic Vocation,” Response 22 (1974) 23–26; T. S. Warshaw, “The Book of Jonah,” in Literary Interpretations of Biblical Narratives (Nashville: Abingdon, 1974) 191–207.
4 J. Magonet, Form and Meaning.
5 Kenneth Muir, Introduction to Macbeth (London: Methuen, 1951) xxiii–xxiv.
6 J. Kugel, The Idea of Biblical Poetry: Parallelism and Its History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981).
7 J. T. Walsh, “Jonah 2,3–10: A Rhetorical Critical Study,” Bib 63 (1982) 219–29.
8 Ibid., 219.
9 E. Sievers, Metrische Studien, (Leipzig: Teubner, 1901) 1. 482–85.
10 W. Erbt, Elia, Elisa, Jona: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des IX. und VIII. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig: E. Pfeiffer, 1907).
11 H. W. Wolff, Jonah: Church in Revolt, 40.
12 For a survey of this particular approach see W. H. Cobb, A Criticism of Systems of Hebrew Metre: An Elementary Treatise (Oxford: Clarendon, 1905), esp. chap. IV, “Ley and Budde,” 83–107; and chap. VIII, “Sievers and the Anapaest,” 169–84. Sievers built on the earlier work of Julius Ley, hence the familiar designation, “the Ley-Sievers method.”
13 J. Kurylowicz, Studies in Semitic Grammar and Metrics (London: Curzon, 1973); and Metrik und Sprachgeschichte (Wroclaw: Z. Narodowy, 1975). For a convenient summary and illustration of this approach see T. Longman, “A Critique of Two Recent Metrical Systems,” Bib 63 (1982) 230–54.
14 J. Kurylowicz, Studies in Semitic Grammar and Metrics, 176.
15 The term used here is that of T. Longman, Bib 63 (1982) 238.
16 See T. Longman, “Critique,” 232–38, for a convenient summary of this approach, which has been associated with F. M. Cross, D. N. Freedman, and their students.
17 The most common objection to this method of scansion remains that of the frequent emendation of the text practiced by most adherents. Though continuing to count syllables, D. N. Freedman has taken a stand against such emendation and has turned to statistical approaches to explore structural patterns with minimal alteration of the MT. See in particular “The Poetic Structure of the Framework of Deuteronomy 33,” in The Bible World: Essays in Honor of Cyrus H. Gordon (New York: Ktav, 1980) 25–46 and my response in Bib 65 (1984) 382–89.
18 For a brief discussion of this period see B. Pick, “Hebrew Study among Jews and Christians,” BSac 42 (1885) 490–93, where the following works are cited: Joh. Alting, Fundamenta punctationis linguae sanctae (1654), which introduced the systema morarum; and Joh. Andr. Danz, Compendium gramm. hebraeo-chald. (Frankfurt: Brönner, 1699), which presents the systema trium morarum. I am grateful to Walter Bodine for this reference.
19 B. Spinoza, Compend. grammat. hebr. (Amsterdam, 1677); H. B. Starke, Lux grammat. ebr. (Bremen, 1701); Johann Werner Meiner, Die wahren Eigenschaften der Hebräischen Sprache (Leipzig; Breitkopf, 1748); and Auflösung der vornehmsten Schwierigkeiten der hebr. Sprache (Leipzig, 1757); Johann Friedrich Hirt, Syntagma observationum philologico-criticarum ad linguam sacram Veteris testamenti pertinentium (Jena: Cröker, 1771).
20 J. J. Bellermann, Versuch über die Metrik der Hebräer (Berlin: Maurer, 1813); J. L. Saalschütz, Von der Form der hebr. Poesie (Königsberg, 1825); H. Grimme, “Abriss der biblisch-hebräischen Metrik,” ZDMG 50 (1896) 529–84; 51 (1897) 683–712; and “Gedanken über hebräische Metrik,” Vierteljahrsschrift für Bibelkunde, 1 (1903) 1–14.
21 See V. P. Vauk, “Poetics and Genre-typology in Indian Folklore,” in Studies in Indian Folk Traditions (New Delhi: Ramesh Jain, 1979) 38–47. I am grateful to Sue Clark, one of my students, for this reference.
22 I plan to publish shortly two related studies, “The Book of Jonah as a Narrative Poem,” and “Chiastic Structures in the Book of Jonah,” which will present the metrical and structural analysis of the entire book of Jonah in detail.
23 In this particular study I have chosen to accept the MT as it stands without emendation, including the major disjunctive marks of the Masoretic accentual system. The only exception is the pausal form ‘ābārû at the end of vs 4, which is read ‘ābarû since the term falls at the end of the first, and not the final, element in a four-part structure in terms of mora count. There is a major problem regarding second person masculine singular pronominal suffixes, since the use of the final kaph in the MT suggests that the Masoretes normalized the longer- for what may have been a dialectical variant. E. Sievers rejected the longer form and read instead *-ak after singular nouns and *-êk after plural nouns (Metrische Studien, 1. 316–17). P. Kahle amassed an enormous amount of evidence to support a similar conclusion in The Cairo Geniza (London: Oxford University Press), 95–102. F. M. Cross and D. N. Freedman presented still further arguments for the same conclusion in Early Hebrew Orthography: A Study of the Epigraphic Evidence (AOS 36; New Haven: Yale University Press, 1952) 55, 65–66. For this study I have chosen to vocalize such forms -ek(a) when a yodh does not appear with the suffix and -êk(a) when the yodh is present. In both cases the final syllable, indicated by the parentheses, is not counted on the mora count.
24 Walsh, “Jonah 2, 3–10,” 220.
25 J. Ackerman, “Satire and Symbolism,” 229–35.
26 Note the repetition of this unusual root in 1:6 (nirdām), where it is apparently used in a vocative sense, “O sleeper,” as suggested by Jack Sasson (private communication).
27 On portrayals of Jonah in early Christian art, see J. Fink, Bildfrömmigkeit und Bekenntnis (Cologne and Vienna: Böhlau, 1978) 71–73; O. Mitius, Jonas auf den Denkmälern des christlichen Altertums (Freiburg: Mohr, 1897); J. Speigl, “Das Bildprogramm des Jonasmotivs in der Malerei der römischen Katakomben,” RQ 73 (1978) 1–15; W. Wischmeyer, “Die vorkonstantinische christliche Kunst in Neuen Lichte: Die Cleveland-Statuetten,” VC 35 (1981) 253–87.
28 F. C. Baur (“Der prophet Jonas, ein assyrisch-babylonisches Symbol,” Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie 7 [1837] 88–114) argued that the name Nineveh means “Fischstadt.” More recently E. A. Speiser has pointed out that the cuneiform texts sometimes use a pseudo-logographic form Ninā for the term Nineveh (“Nineveh,” IDB 3. 551–53). The sign NINA (AB+ḪA) combines two signs, that of an enclosure (AB) with a fish (ḪA) inside it. As Speiser put it, “This particular variant must have given rise to considerable popular tradition, which in turn left its mark on more than one subsequent tradition” (p. 552). It is hence possible to interpret the term Nineveh as meaning “enclosure/house of (the) fish.”
29 J. Magonet, Form and Meaning, 44–50.
30 Ibid., 49–50.
31 Ibid., 49.
32 J. Walsh, “Jonah 2, 3–10,” 226.
33 I owe this observation to Harold Ridlon of Bridgewater State College in Bridge water, Massachusetts.
34 J. Magonet, Form and Meaning, 40–41.
35 The author has provided other signals to cause the reader/hearer to become more attentive to details at this particular point, for the syntax is somewhat peculiar. Not only does the poet shift abruptly from third to second person; he also shifts from a converted imperfect form to the perfect and immediately back to a converted imperfect in the following word (wattašlîkēnî, 2:4).
36 J. Magonet, Form and Meaning, 60.
37 For a more detailed discussion of this passage see my article “Anticipatory Paronomasia in Jonah 3:7–8 and Genesis 37:2,” RB (1983) 261–63.
[1] Duane L. Christensen, "The Song of Jonah: A Metrical Analysis", Journal of Biblical Literature 104 (1985): 217-31 ( ed. Victor Paul Furnish;Decatur, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 1985), 217-31.

See: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3260964